--- Page 1 --- Killing with Kindness --- Page 2 --- --- Page 3 --- Killing with Kindness Haiti, International Aid, and NGOS MARK SCHULLER R RUTGERS UNIVERSITY PRESS NEW BRUNSWICK, NEW JERSEY, AND LONDON --- Page 4 --- LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOGING-IN-PUBLICATION DATA Schuller, Mark, 1973Killing with kindness : Haiti, international aid, and NGOS / Mark Schuller. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-8135-5362-7 (hardcover : alk. paper) - ISBN 978-0-8135-5363-4 (pbk. : alk. paper) - ISBN 978-0-8135-5364-1 (e-book) I. Social medicine-Haiti. 2. AIDS (Disease)-Haiti--International cooperation. 3. Nonprofit organizations-Haiti. I. Title. RA418.3.H35538 2012 362.1'0425097294-dc23 A British Cataloging-in-Publication record for this book is available from the British Library. Copyright @ 2012 by Mark Schuller All rights reserved No part of this book may be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, or by any information storage and retrieval system, without written permission from the publisher. Please contact Rutgers University Press, IO6 Somerset Street, New Brunswick, NJ 08901. The only exception to this prohibition is "fair use" as defined by U.S. copyright law. Visit our website: http:/rutgerspress.rutgers.edu Manufactured in the United States of America --- Page 5 --- To Mislène --- Page 6 --- --- Page 7 --- CONTENTS List of Illustrations and Tables ix Foreword by Paul Farmer Xi Acknowledgments xiii List of Abbreviations XV Introduction: Doing Research during a Coup Violence and Venereal Disease: Structural Violence, Gender, and HIV/AIDS "That's Not Participation!": Relationships from "Below" All in the Family: Relationships "Inside" "We Are Prisoners!": Relationships from "Above" Tectonic Shifts and the Political Tsunami: USAID and the Disaster of Haiti Conclusion: Killing with Kindness? Afterword: Some Policy Solutions Notes Glossary References Index vii --- Page 8 --- --- Page 9 --- ILLUSTRATIONS AND TABLES Figures 2.1 Garbage on the factory floor 2.2 Toilet for several hundred line workers 2.3 Sove Lavi educational forum 2.4 Hotel Montana, site of the Sove Lavi symposium 3.1 Crowd reported to be four thousand people at Sove Lavi soccer match/AIDS training, December 2004 Tables 2.1 Research tool: Participation snapshot 2.2 Comparison of participation between two NGOS in several project steps 2.3 Different perspectives on participation between NGO leadership and beneficiaries 5.1 USAID allocation in millions of dollars, 2001-2007 ix bage on the factory floor 2.2 Toilet for several hundred line workers 2.3 Sove Lavi educational forum 2.4 Hotel Montana, site of the Sove Lavi symposium 3.1 Crowd reported to be four thousand people at Sove Lavi soccer match/AIDS training, December 2004 Tables 2.1 Research tool: Participation snapshot 2.2 Comparison of participation between two NGOS in several project steps 2.3 Different perspectives on participation between NGO leadership and beneficiaries 5.1 USAID allocation in millions of dollars, 2001-2007 ix --- Page 10 --- --- Page 11 --- FOREWORD PAUL FARMER, MD, PHD International Aid and NGOS, Mark Schuller offers In Killing with Kindness: Haiti, failures) of foreign aid in Haiti. nuanced insight into the mechanisms (and prose, recounted here in a clear, practical Through his extensive field research, and effective way to engage in this Dr. Schuller suggests that the most efficient admits beneficiaries. "Accompaniment work is to accompany the intended someone is to go but it is not infinitely elastic. To accompany many meanings, break bread together, to be present on a journey somewhere with him or her, to alongside communiand an end. It means listening, working with a beginning become their reality." ties, walking with them until their goals failures of imagination that assistance is often complicit in the Foreign and elsewhere. The standard "trickle-down" allow inequities to persist in Haiti will on both sides of the disappoints those of good aid model consistently must be benefitting; most complex donor-recipient equation.? But someone We need not return to realize the results they were designed to deliver. systems bureaucracies excel at self-perpetuation Max Weber to observe that most however, and gradations to Weber'swork, (1946b). There are many complexities of to most nongovernand ample reason to extend a hermeneutic generosity distinctions can operating in post-coup Haiti. But some mental organizations (and must) be made. two NGOS: one with a top-heavy orgaDr. Schuller does this by contrasting bilateral funders), structure (due in part to its dependence on large nizational collaborative approach informed by and one that operates with an inclusive, among NGO directors accompaniment. He shows that sharing decisionmaking the likelihood above all, the intended beneficiaries, can improve and staff and, sustainable. He also highlights the that service delivery will be humane and building (or rebuilding) important of integrating efforts into existing programs, sector. Private enterand collaborating with the public local infrastructure, health, water, and sanitaprises are not meant to replace robust public-sector evidence In fact, when foreign aid bypasses the government, tion systems. sector (see, e.g., Collier 2007). suggests that it can weaken the public of the largest in historyhumanitarian response-one The international in Haiti is a case in point: of the more than to the January 2010 earthquake xi highlights the that service delivery will be humane and building (or rebuilding) important of integrating efforts into existing programs, sector. Private enterand collaborating with the public local infrastructure, health, water, and sanitaprises are not meant to replace robust public-sector evidence In fact, when foreign aid bypasses the government, tion systems. sector (see, e.g., Collier 2007). suggests that it can weaken the public of the largest in historyhumanitarian response-one The international in Haiti is a case in point: of the more than to the January 2010 earthquake xi --- Page 12 --- FOREWORD xii relief aid, less than I percent went to the Haitian government. $2 billion in acute and lack of so-called "absorptive capacity" One could argue that the fragility distribution of resources; after all, justifies this of the Haitian government ministries were damaged or destroyed twenty-eight out of twenty-nine federal be 2010. But could less than I percent possibly in the afternoon of January 12, There is a vicious cycle at work: much less desirable, amount? the an acceptable, because it is weak, and then further weakens aid bypasses the government starts with partnerships with government. An accompaniment approach job creation and and other Haitian institutions. It prioritizes of the government of resources to the poor-forms local procurement and the transferring divested of any real meaning). "capacity building" (jargon that has been as a model Rwanda's recovery after the 1994 genocide Dr. Schuller regards can work together. (And I agree of how governments and aid organizations approach has been clear 201tb:217-235).) The Rwandan government's frameworks [Farmer but they must work with within the and firm: NGOS are welcome, It is a sensible plan, and unlike and strategies the government has developed. of causality are, as ever, rife most, it has actually been implemented. Claims short of miraculous: recovery has been nothing with problems. But Rwanda's living with AIDS has access GDP has trebled in the past decade; almost everyone to live in the world. treatment; Kigali is one of the safest places to antiretroviral security and also security in two senses: physical The country has achieved and would do well and donors governments human security. Aid organizations elsewhere. how these lessons might be applied to consider rules of the road for foreign assistance. Dr. Schuller's book suggests new fieldwork and years spent in Haiti are the result of dedicated His prescriptions and cultures, listening to their living with Haitians, learning their language naris fine scholarly work and a compassionate stories. Killing with Kindness of Mark Schuller, his colleagues, his rative driven by the lived experiences for all those interested in This book is essential reading friends and neighbors. and truly independent Haiti. a peaceful human security. Aid organizations elsewhere. how these lessons might be applied to consider rules of the road for foreign assistance. Dr. Schuller's book suggests new fieldwork and years spent in Haiti are the result of dedicated His prescriptions and cultures, listening to their living with Haitians, learning their language naris fine scholarly work and a compassionate stories. Killing with Kindness of Mark Schuller, his colleagues, his rative driven by the lived experiences for all those interested in This book is essential reading friends and neighbors. and truly independent Haiti. a peaceful --- Page 13 --- ACKNOWLEDGMENTS A work of this scope is impossible to of many. A work of this theme is accomplish without the active support inconceivable to University of California, Santa attempt individually. At the to my. PhD Barbara, I would liket to extend a heartfelt committe-Susan: Stonich, Mary thank-you M. Catherine Maternowska-for Hancock, Christopher McAuley, and their engagement, agement, and feedback, This book would challenging questions, encoursupport of Karl Bryant, Eileen have not been possible without the Boris, Claudine Michel, Cedric Bhavnani, Leila Rupp, Barbara Robinson, Kum-Kum Sharon Hoshida, Herr-Harthorn, Laury Oaks, Elizabeth Hillary Haldane, Tiffany Robinson, Scheper, Molly Talcott, Carlos Alamo, Willoughby-Herard, Beth Currans, Jeanne always be indebted to Sylvanna Falcon, and Corina Kellner. Iwill faculty from Florida Jean-Robert Cadely, Leisl Picard, and the staff and invited International University's Haitian introduction to Haiti. The genesis of this Summer Institute for my through activism in Morris and the research project was in Minnesota, St. Paul Tenants Union Twin Cities. Members of the now-defunct played a central role in my This education political/activist education. continued and was ment of and support from deepened through the active involvePinder, many friends and colleagues in Haiti, Kathy Wright, Josette Perard, George especially Dawn Schneider, Joseph Werleigh, Ernst Mathurin, Renate Philippe, Anne Hastings, Reed and Laurent, Camille, Corasme, Lindsey, Allande, Anna, Anne Logisse, Maxime, Mirlène, Daphne, Denise, Edele, Gerrit, Livingston, Kapab, Mislène, Yolette, the staff at Fonkoze-Biwo Hospice St. Joseph, and especially the Alfa, Kay the NGOS featured in this book. generous staff and recipients of anonymous but whose Finally, thanks go to those who had to remain courage to tell the truth made this Colleagues and students at the Faculté story possible. offered helpful insights. d'Ethnologie and Université de Fondwa Special thanks to Jimmy Fabrice Charmant, and Jeremy Toussaint, Djenane St. Juste, Dupin for necessary research Facilitating this complex research assistance. the crucial on donors would be support of many people: in Haiti, Mme impossible without the USAID librarian Mme Garçon, Mme Clement, and Schaumans, Legros and other donor agency staff; in Alessandra, Charles, Mme Europe, Greet mission's information Zaugg, Robert, and the European Comspecialist Ms. Dias and other donor staff; in Washington, xiii Jeremy Toussaint, Djenane St. Juste, Dupin for necessary research Facilitating this complex research assistance. the crucial on donors would be support of many people: in Haiti, Mme impossible without the USAID librarian Mme Garçon, Mme Clement, and Schaumans, Legros and other donor agency staff; in Alessandra, Charles, Mme Europe, Greet mission's information Zaugg, Robert, and the European Comspecialist Ms. Dias and other donor staff; in Washington, xiii --- Page 14 --- ACKNOWLEDGMENTS xiv Melody, Esther, Freda, Alverta, and several Stephen DeCanio, Joseph McGee, IMF, IDB, and the State Department. anonymous staff at USAID, the World Bank, from many sources: This research was made possible by financial support (2002-2007), Foundation's Graduate Research Fellowship the National Science of Florida, Gainesville American Studies Program at the University the African Pre-dissertation Site Visit (2002), the UCSB Department of Anthropology's 2005, 2006), a dis- (2002), the Albert Spaulding Fellowship (2003, Fellowship the Institute for Global Conflict and Cooperation sertation fellowship from Grant (2007), the Labor and Employment (2004), the Graduate Division Travel Publishing Program Fund (2007), and the CUNY Faculty Fellowship Research funds for publication. (2009-2010). Reaching Up provided motivation, and support much-needed critique, probing questions, Offering front" of Hillary Haldane, Karl Bryant, Francesca is the "dissertation liberation from beginning to end. Colleagues Deguili, and Helene Lee, who saw the project braved the earliest Valerie Andrushko, and Jackie Eng in anthropology, Hillary, UCSB such as Beth Currans, Sonia Matter, drafts of my rants. Colleagues at and elsewhere, such as Pierre Siobhan Brooks, and Tiffany Willoughby-Herard, offered very useful Vital-Ortiz, Shaun Cleaver, and Kiran Jayaram, Minn, Salvador turning this into a book, I am feedback on individual chapters. For the support Resource Center at York at the African American also indebted to my colleagues Selena Rodgers. My mentor, Virginia College, especially my sister in struggle, of New York's Faculty and participants at the City University Sanchez-Korrol, Robin Harper, Miranda Martinez, Fellowship Publishing Program-Alan Aja, Torres-Velez-were the coconspiraHyunhee Park, Michael Sharpe, and Victor offering necessary the book proposal and the projects, tors in conceptualizing Harrison, Marilyn Thomas-Houston, feedback on the work in progress. Faye Members Crawford offered very timely feedback and encouragement. and Dave Colloquium helped work on chapter I. of the Columbia Women and Society who made this possible, Special thanks go to my York colleague Michele Gregory, Medgar Evers. Iwould discussant Maria Luisa Ruiz at York's sister college, and the Introduction to Anthropology students during also like to give props to my them. Their feedback-and I foisted the work in progress on the two semesters critical. I am profoundly grateful to three their quizzical looks-were absolutely me back down to earth: who braved the entire book and helped individuals Dawn Pinder, and Mark Snyder. Jennie Smith-Pariola, mention for their constant support, Three individuals deserve special phone calls, and swift advocacy, patient listening, mentoring, midnight editing started this in the first whenever I needed to be reminded why kicks in the ass and Gina Ulysse. Thank you. I love you. place: Karl Bryant, Valerie Kaussen, Marlie Wasserman, for her support Finally, I would like to thank my editor, and the Rutgers and feedback in the process, the anonymous reviewers, this book possible. Allyson Fields, for making University Press staff, especially Jennie Smith-Pariola, mention for their constant support, Three individuals deserve special phone calls, and swift advocacy, patient listening, mentoring, midnight editing started this in the first whenever I needed to be reminded why kicks in the ass and Gina Ulysse. Thank you. I love you. place: Karl Bryant, Valerie Kaussen, Marlie Wasserman, for her support Finally, I would like to thank my editor, and the Rutgers and feedback in the process, the anonymous reviewers, this book possible. Allyson Fields, for making University Press staff, especially --- Page 15 --- ABBREVIATIONS AP Associated Press CAC Community Action Council CCI Cadre de Coopération Interimaire (Interim Cooperation Framework) CCM Country Coordinating Mechanism CDC Centers for Disease Control and Prevention CIMO Corps d'Intervention et de Maintien de l'Ordre (Haitian National Police) FOIA Freedom of Information Act FRAPH Front pour T'Avancement et le Progrès Haîtien (Front for Haitian Advancement and Progress) GAD Gender and Development GDP Gross domestic product HOPE Hemispheric Opportunity Through Partnership Encouragement Act IDB Inter-American Development Bank IDP Internally displaced person IFI International financial institution IMF International Monetary Fund IOM International Organization for Migration IRI International Republican Institute ISC Initiative de la Société Civile (Civil Society Initiative) KOFAVIV Komisyon Fanm Viktim pou Viktim (Commission of Women Victims for Victims) KONAP Kodinasyon Nasyonal k ap Plede Koz Fanm (National Coordination of Women's Advocacy Organizations) MCC Millennium Challenge Corporation MINUSTAH Mission des Nations Unies pour la stabilisation en Haiti (United Nations Stabilization Mission for Haiti) MPCE Ministère de la Planification et Coopération Externe (Ministry of Planning and Foreign Cooperation) NED National Endowment for Democracy XV --- Page 16 --- xvi ABBREVIATIONS NGO Nongovernmental organization ODA Official development assistance OFATMA Office d'Assurance des Accidents du Travail, Maladies et Maternité (Office of Insurance for Work Accidents, Illness, and Maternity) ONA Office National d'Assurance (National Insurance. Office) OTI Office of Transition Initiatives PEPFAR President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief PRSP Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper R4 Results Review and Resources Request S/CRS State Department coordinator for reconstruction and stabilization SO Strategic objective SONAPI Société Nationale des Parcs Industriels (National Society of Industrial Parks) UNDP United Nations Development Program USAID United States Agency for International Development WID Women in Development --- Page 17 --- Killing with Kindness --- Page 18 --- --- Page 19 --- Introduction Doing Research during a Coup They let people die! They take the illness and turn it into a big business. -Gabrielle, HIV activist Februaryz 27, 2004 The city was on fire. Not the Eternal Flame, a work-in-progress memorial to the Haitian Revolution that had yet to be lit, but thick plumes of charcoal-gray smoke filled the sky, blotting out the sun. I was rushing. My neighbor Liset had warned me. "Better pick up what you can," she said. "You don't know the next time you'll be able to be out in the street.' " It was late afternoon, soon to be dark. The market was unusually crowded, voices elevated an octave higher than usual, the staccato shouting of business transactions louder than usual, devoid of its usual joviality: the taunting, joking, and catching up between friends. People scurried by, clutching black plastic shopping bags full of whatever they could afford, whatever they could still find: candles, mosquito coils, cooking oil, matches, batteries for radios, and bulk food like dried beans, rice, milled corn, potatoes, and carrots. be able to be out in the street.' " It was late afternoon, soon to be dark. The market was unusually crowded, voices elevated an octave higher than usual, the staccato shouting of business transactions louder than usual, devoid of its usual joviality: the taunting, joking, and catching up between friends. People scurried by, clutching black plastic shopping bags full of whatever they could afford, whatever they could still find: candles, mosquito coils, cooking oil, matches, batteries for radios, and bulk food like dried beans, rice, milled corn, potatoes, and carrots. By the time I made it back down the slippery cobblestone street that led to the market, little was left. Instinct, and Michele, a timachann (street merchant) whom I had come to know, told me to seek out the crowds, the long queues, to find what I was looking for. Michele had sold her last candle, and save for the two boxes she stuffed into her halter-top for her own family, she was even out of matches. Stuck in the long lines, I experienced for myself that indeed it was catchas-catch-can: get what you could while you still could. After being turned away from three "boutiques, >2 I was finally able to get matches, mosquito coils, and some cooking oil, but no batteries. The "eau miracle" (French for "miracle water") vendor had already closed upshop by the time I got there. Luckily I had iodine tablets, bleach, and a five-gallon jug of treated water. --- Page 20 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS (Port-au-Prince) had finally past the point of The kriz (crisis) in Pôtoprens3 while observing an October return. For the first time since being teargassed no had finally reached Potoprens, protest, I was truly scared. The "insurrection" that he would reach the the "rebel" Guy Philippe had boasted, predicting just as (February 29, the same day as Aristide's ouster). nation's capital by his birthday Haitian law and get still in an obstinate effort to abide by Earlier that day, live and work in card," " enabling me to legally my permis de sejourt-my "green about from my family in the United States Haiti-I saw what I had only heard Downtown, just across CNN: the lines were drawn, the streets empty. Revolution watching to the Haitian monument to the bicentennial to the not-quite-finished Three trucks, each with ten (1791-1804), the Texaco station was smoldering. weapons, circled all clad in black and some toting semiautomatic fifteen men transport, in this case an old the station. The driver of our tap-tap ("public" gas adults, some with merchandise jammed converted minivan packed with eighteen then slammed on the their went numb for a moment, under their seat or on lap) back up the hill. brakes and made an immediate U-turn, speeding to turn, the Total gas where the tap-taps were supposed At the stoplight had been ripped from the conburning, but the pumps station was not only to climb, yelling at the passengers to the chauffeur continued crete. Spooked, in the normal route would remain seated. Ordinarily, such a deviation timachann please the loud protests from the passengers, particularly have triggered other were stunned into merchandise. Like me, passengers carrying heavy side roads and deposited the driver zoomed his way through silence. Eventually, Catholic Church, not even bothering to collect us in front of the neighborhood the fare. walk to my house, I heard gunshots On the ten-minute down-then-uphill of a young man lying in the street, coming from several directions. The remains dried blood, was generating and surrounded by a pool of deep-purple shot up a glance at him, but I was glad commotion from the neighbors. I didn't get good trannde (rumor mill, with other bodies I had heard of from radyo that-unlike in images from the foreign "radio of thirty-two [teeth]") as well as seen literally dogs were not yet feasting on the corpse. gunshots On the ten-minute down-then-uphill of a young man lying in the street, coming from several directions. The remains dried blood, was generating and surrounded by a pool of deep-purple shot up a glance at him, but I was glad commotion from the neighbors. I didn't get good trannde (rumor mill, with other bodies I had heard of from radyo that-unlike in images from the foreign "radio of thirty-two [teeth]") as well as seen literally dogs were not yet feasting on the corpse. pres-neighborhood head as I tried desperately to buy two These images flashed through my what I would need, weeks' worth of rations, having difficulty even imagining what I could find at the an even harder time getting it. I bought and having all have to survive," ' said a middle-aged merchant inflated price demanded. "We matter-of-factly. bag and a wad of small bills and coins in my Toting a black plastic shopping cobblestone street to my house, pants pocket, I shuffled back up the slippery obvious: stay home. The sun was defeated. hood head as I tried desperately to buy two These images flashed through my what I would need, weeks' worth of rations, having difficulty even imagining what I could find at the an even harder time getting it. I bought and having all have to survive," ' said a middle-aged merchant inflated price demanded. "We matter-of-factly. bag and a wad of small bills and coins in my Toting a black plastic shopping cobblestone street to my house, pants pocket, I shuffled back up the slippery obvious: stay home. The sun was defeated. My neighbor Lise had told me the would be dark. We hadn't its nosedive into the bay, and soon all quickly making half. Being relatively new to Haiti, I asked had electricity for the past day and a --- Page 21 --- INTRODUCTION "Look," ' she pointed to the street Lise when it was "safe" to be in the streets. walk minute, it's okay. climbed. "If you see more than two people per I had just at home if the street is empty." Safer still if you see ten. Just stay (Christ-Roi) was sandwiched middle-income neighborhood of Kriswa My of Pôtoprens, built to accommobetween the crowded bidonvil (shantytowns) than ten times that amount, and thousand but home to more date two hundred home to most of Haiti's banks, the mountain suburb of Petyonvil (Pétion-Ville), world-class resorts.5 Haiti restaurants, nightclubs, and credit card companies, with the most millionaires per is the most divided country in the hemisphere, lived on top of one another. capita. 6 In Kriswa, rich and poor off the houses of the middle-class The baryè ("barriers," metal gates walling locked shut. Inside these were all closed and families in the neighborhoody had diesel-powered generators, houses, the only ones with electricity (some stored on car batteries others, like mine, had an inverter to convert electricity as the blue of the families carried on loud conversations into AC current), eerie shadows on the street. compact fluorescent bulbs cast long, and the electric blue lights, interstices, between the locked gates In the day laborers, servants, restavèk the low-income families-the timachann, and the timachann who sold staple goods childrent-also huddled close. Julie, stand and squirreled away candy, had long since hauled off her wooden usually was. penny But still she stood in the street, where her store her livelihood. she said, "My kid hasn't come back yet." When I asked what she was doing, been closed for the past week," He wasn't in school, I asked. "No, schools have months. "He just went to fetch on and off for the better part of three and actually, a pail of water." > time whenever he saw me pass (and Pascal, who always demanded my store in place. on the cinder block that held Julie's usually got it), was slumped Whenlapproached, he stood up He smelled very strongly of tafya (hard liquor). don't have to worry, Mark. of the block, greeting me at my eye level. "You 9) on top We'll all be safe here. You'll see." Pèp la [the people]° are defending our country. cigarette in hand, ("Grandma," the nickname for the matriarch), "Grann" home. "Our country! It's not the responded as she emerged from her six-by-six country, but the president you're defending." "Yes. That's what I said, my Pascal winked at me and offered his hand. and he shook it vigorously. country. My democracy. > I gave him my hand, his shirt on, said in his from a bath and putting Thomas, just emerging in this country. We've We don't have democracy cracked voice, "Democracy! the popular movement deposed been waiting for democracy since 1986 [when We have elections. father-and-son Duvalier dictatorship). the twenty-nine-year lives Elections are koupe la, what do we get? How have our changed? And we pèp off, referring to the practice of stamping dwêt [literally, 'cutting the finger election cards with a finger)." said in his from a bath and putting Thomas, just emerging in this country. We've We don't have democracy cracked voice, "Democracy! the popular movement deposed been waiting for democracy since 1986 [when We have elections. father-and-son Duvalier dictatorship). the twenty-nine-year lives Elections are koupe la, what do we get? How have our changed? And we pèp off, referring to the practice of stamping dwêt [literally, 'cutting the finger election cards with a finger)." --- Page 22 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS said, "Kore m.' " Since that was the phrase men Pascal, looking straight at me, fists briefly), I made version of a "high five" (touching use while doing a Haitian out here" (the other meaning Pascal laughed and said, "I said help me a fist. still looking straight at me, he asked, of kore m). After he stopped laughing, Bush want to get rid of Aristide?" "Why does the U.S. not like Haiti? Why does that the two were in fact Diverting part of the question, I pointed out separate questions. ("Because I'm a Christian," he Before I could finish, the ever-conciliatory Protestant) Thomas by which he meant an evangelical once said in explanation, God!, > from the French "my friends."] said, "Mezanmil [An expression like "My aid]?" that Americans give us a lot of èd [foreign Pascal, don't you see "Where's that èd now, Thomas? Does Grann coughed a smoker's cough. this èd ever end up in the hands of us pèp la?" with two old continued until Julie's son returned The spirited conversation on this break in the conversation, cooking oil containers full of water. Seizing tande?" (Don'tlet Pascal shot up and gave me a salute. "Pa lage nou, Ileft. AsIdid, I wasn't sure if he was specifically us down, do you hear?) Given his last question, the United States. or as representative of referring to me individually down the hill to my house. I will lage nou," I replied as I walked "M papjanm never let you all down. this promise. This book is part of my attempt to keep Exposed: The 2010 Earthquake The Aid Apparatus later. On January 12, 2010, a write this introduction, it is now six years As I much of Potoprens. The National Palace struck Haiti, leveling 7.0 earthquake were reduced to rubble, underneath Whole neighborhoods was destroyed. buried." More than I.5 million people-one which at least 230,000 people were in six-instantly became homeless. houses on the block, trapping ten destroyed all but five The earthquake Lise's father. When I underneath and killing two others, including like people middle-class people like Lise and pèplal arrived a week after the earthquake, together to survive. They huddled underneath a donated tarp, working Pascal middle of the street with the doctors who lived clinic in the set up an emergency outside assistance, and putting aside the on the block. Together, without any found ways to survive. differences that ripped the country apart in 2004, people had moved to three months later, most middle-class neighbors WhenIn returned ("small" people, the poorest) like Julie a cousin's or a friend's house. Some ti pèp joining a reverse lakou (homestead) in the provinces, moved back to their family remained, still chèche lavi exodus of some six hundred thousand people. Many starvation was clear in literally "searching for life"). The (making a living, The families slept under a couple of tarps, Grann's and Pascal's emaciated faces. , people had moved to three months later, most middle-class neighbors WhenIn returned ("small" people, the poorest) like Julie a cousin's or a friend's house. Some ti pèp joining a reverse lakou (homestead) in the provinces, moved back to their family remained, still chèche lavi exodus of some six hundred thousand people. Many starvation was clear in literally "searching for life"). The (making a living, The families slept under a couple of tarps, Grann's and Pascal's emaciated faces. --- Page 23 --- INTRODUCTION clinic during the first week. The garage the same tarps housing the emergency life had also under the resuscitated cars back to reopened, where many ti pèp shade of a tarp. "They said that $2 billion has Thomas had switched his tune since 2004. arrive? We pèp haven't Haiti. Where's all the èd that was supposed to come to seen a cent." > tent to sleep under, they at least While most of them did not get a relatively lucky. A short In the context of the earthquake, they were had a tarp. in the neighborhood of Solino. walk down the hill was a makeshift camp field in tents made of 6,800 people slept in the space of a soccer More than heat. When we visited, it had just easy-to-rip plastic that traps the Caribbean at the beginning of the the night before, the first time in three nights rained into the tents jammed side by side. rainy season. Pools of slick mud seeped bearers of infections such as Standing water attracted flies and mosquitoes, from the mud fever. The stench was overpowering, not only malaria and dengue latrine to be found. When asked but because nowhere in the camp was a mother of did their daily business, Magalie, a twenty-six-year-old how people bag that she was about to dump in three young children, held up a small plastic organizations (NGOS)? ravine. Where are the nongovernmental the nearby World Vision came by occasionally to give cards I asked. No one knew. Only to distribute to the women group of three evangelical pastors to a handpicked rations. This was before food aid was stopped in the camp for two weeks' food in April 2010. between II:OO P.M. and midnight the night The cards had been distributed hear that there's a card said, "You can't afford to sleep when you before. Magalie and when they will give it out. You just distribution. You never know where will get yours." 2 Sylvie, who follow the noise of the crowd and hope you have to and her sister's familyher infant daughter has fourteen people-including a card because she doesn't in her ripped tent, said that she never got living "It's all about moun pa W [your people] getting know the NGO representatives. and leaders of a group of > she said. Several people in this camp, of the goods, KOFAVIV, reported several dozen cases women victims of violence called for cards.' II for sex in exchange women being propositioned donated in the first three months after Despite $2 billion in private aid leaving many mainstream the system was clearly not working, the the earthquake, to a general audience puzzled. This earthquake exposed commentators of aid. For the first time, NGOS as a system problems with the prevailing system in the United States. mainstream media coverage became a focus of sustained the the latest in a string the story of Haiti has faded into background, But mostly Rather than encourage underof bad news laced with tales of heroic foreigners. create and reinforce the these hit-and-run accounts serve mainly to standing, beyond the pale, a "basket case" (Potter 2009). image of Haiti being hopelessly , to a general audience puzzled. This earthquake exposed commentators of aid. For the first time, NGOS as a system problems with the prevailing system in the United States. mainstream media coverage became a focus of sustained the the latest in a string the story of Haiti has faded into background, But mostly Rather than encourage underof bad news laced with tales of heroic foreigners. create and reinforce the these hit-and-run accounts serve mainly to standing, beyond the pale, a "basket case" (Potter 2009). image of Haiti being hopelessly --- Page 24 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS Paul Farmer (2003) and others (e.g., As the noted physician and anthropologist Haiti is known by its Lawless 1992; Trouillot 1994b) have noted, Dash 1997; The poet Jean-Claude Martineau calls superlatives as an "exceptional" case. countryin the hemisphere" Haiti the only country with a last name: "the poorest (Bell 2001:9). "Failures" of Development NGOS, into thrust the international aid system, particularly Haiti's earthquake the increased public scrutiny, the earththe public spotlight. In addition to aid system. For moment for the international quake provided a pedagogical for destroying Haitian rice example, UN Special Envoy Bill Clinton apologized of State Hillary Clinton through USAID food aid. He and Secretary their circumproduction on NGOS and questioned donors' overdependence also publicly discourse critical of the humanitarian venting of elected governments. A among aid workfollowing this exposure, particularly response has proliferated Project 201I; Humanitarian and (e.g., Disaster Accountability ers journalists International 201I), and even from the Accountability Project 2010; Oxfam 2010). of American States (Robert representative for the Organization weakness of the state. In addition to not The earthquake also exposed the only I percent of authority over the camps and the aid distribution-as to having state had no ability emergency aid passed through the government-the had been relief efforts. The government prevent the disaster or coordinate of giving their aid directly weakened since the mid-1990S by donors' policies of the health before the earthquake, more than 80 percent to NGOS. Even run by individuals, missions, or of schools were private, clinics and 90 percent food distribution agencies like World NGOS. Some NGOs-particularly the large or Catholic Relief for American Relief Everywhere), Vision, CARE (Cooperative marking off territory to people coming Services-became parallel states, even the cake" approach, wherein into their area. Many in Haiti scoff at this "cutting control to these Haiti is sliced up and given to NGOS, ceding near-sovereign NGO "fiefdoms." > eclipsed the Haitian governThese private entities have in many respects discussed in chapter Aristide, ment. Most dramatic was the 2004 coup against in at least ten 2004, have been told at length I. The events of February 29, focus on the roles the books, by my last count. Some analysts the English-language in destabilizing Haiti, particularly and its allies played U.S. government and its politically connected branch National Endowment for Democracy (NED) told is the competition for 2007). The stage of the drama usually funds (Sprague confrontation on the streets. the National Palace being played out through majority survived, and attention in this analysis is how Haiti's poor received Escaping While the political party apparatus of NED under what conditions. 29, focus on the roles the books, by my last count. Some analysts the English-language in destabilizing Haiti, particularly and its allies played U.S. government and its politically connected branch National Endowment for Democracy (NED) told is the competition for 2007). The stage of the drama usually funds (Sprague confrontation on the streets. the National Palace being played out through majority survived, and attention in this analysis is how Haiti's poor received Escaping While the political party apparatus of NED under what conditions. --- Page 25 --- INTRODUCTION for International Development spotlight, the United States Agency a bright arm of the State Department, (USAID), the humanitarian and development headlines, the ongoing, day-toremains in relative shadows. While not making work of USAID in Haiti and elsewhere is just as powerful. bombs, day where we kill with drones, "smart" Unlike in Iraq or Afghanistan, dying from the too many people in Haiti are nonetheless and troop surges, exclaims, "They let people die! Maybe consequences of our aid. Gabrielle can understand what are in their house, living in luxury, they when people But they take the illness [AIDS] and And what needs to happen. we're suffering. which still is largely a death > Gabrielle is HIV positive, turn it into a business." country like Haiti. sentence in a resource-starved is a world system that has continually Hidden from view in most accounts and forcing it into on the country, draining its resources applied pressure to the very the debt bondage that kept it from deedoping-contrbuning world system has adapted that allowed "the West" to develop." This colonialism surplus responding to crises within and altered throughout the years, then development and 1992; Comaroff 1997; Padmore 1969), (Chakrabarty McMichael 1996), then global capitalism (Robinson imperialism (Harvey 2003; this system is very much present 2004; Sklair 2001). Despite these challenges, today. of those meant to benefit, anthropologists Focusing on the lived experience them. James has disempowered have uncovered the many ways "development" hides the political stakes (1990) noted how development discourse Ferguson failures in an *anti-politics recasting them as "technical" and inequalities, Arturo Escobar (1995) opened an inquiry machine.' s Building on this analysis, differences, freezing the discourse itself and how it reifies national into the what Michel-Rolph Trouillot "underdeveloped" in a subordinate position, of development have called the "savage slot.' > A range of critical analyses failures, (2003) the multitude of abuses, inequalities, since appeared, documenting (e.g., Cooke and Kothari 2001; and injustices of the development apparatus Gupta and Sharma Edelman and Haugerud 2005; Ferguson 2005; Crush 1995; 2006; Illich 1997; Kamat 2004; Petras 2003). to the United Statesits proximity Haiti's geopolitical position-especially the of international aid. and flaws in system highlights the contradictions violence, and environmental degradation As such, the seemingly endless crises, but rather a clear example of Haiti's culture or "mentality," are not expressions indebted, low-income countries in other and early warning for other heavily changes are not made world about what can happen if significant parts of the the coal mine: in April 2008, following Haiti, to the system. It is a canary in the global South."3 This book there were food riots in a dozen countries across this NGOS conduit in these crises, the glue for globalization: analyzes a key (Schuller 2009). crises, but rather a clear example of Haiti's culture or "mentality," are not expressions indebted, low-income countries in other and early warning for other heavily changes are not made world about what can happen if significant parts of the the coal mine: in April 2008, following Haiti, to the system. It is a canary in the global South."3 This book there were food riots in a dozen countries across this NGOS conduit in these crises, the glue for globalization: analyzes a key (Schuller 2009). --- Page 26 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS The Rise of NGOS central roles in Haiti, as elsewhere. The 1990S saw NGOS are playing ever more worldwide in 1990 to an increase in their numbers, from six thousand a tenfold 2003:3). Following shifts in aid fundestimated sixty thousand by 1998 (Regan doubled in the numbers of NGOS that worked in more than one country ing, the and Schnabel 2002:250). Currently, there decade before 1996 to 38,000 (Scholte their number (Riddell 2007:53). NGOS that we can't even guess at are SO many is matched by an increase in funding flowing This rise in the number of NGOS that NGOS channeled anywhere them. Globally, in 2005, it is estimated through assistance (Development Initiatives from $3.7 to $7.8 billion of humanitarian (Riddell 2007:259). 2006:47), and $24 billion in development funding their "doing good." It has NGOS are characterized by To most people, of and big bureaufashionable to criticize the excesses government become with the advent of what is known in the cracy, particularly since the 1980s This critique of and elsewhere as neoliberalism. United States as "Reaganomics" Tea movement. NGOS, doing has taken root in the U.S. Party "big government" work, have for the most part escaped humanitarian, charity, or development this criticism, at least until the earthquake. generating a wide NGOS are much more elusive than "development," Many who from scholars and development practitioners. variety of responses failed nonetheless hold hope that NGOS generally argue that development has Edwards and Hulme 1996a; fix what ails the system (e.g., Dicklitch 1998; can Uphoff 1993). NGOS are often characterized as Macdonald 1997; Ndegwa 1996; such as "the poor" (Bailey 1998; "giving voice" to marginalized sectors of society, Mindry 200I; Thayer Mcllwaine 1998) or women (Alvarez 1999; Lang 2000; of NGOS general Kofi Annan held that the purpose 2001). Former UN secretary 2001:94). Recent ethnographies on was to "hold states' feet to the fire" (Karim understandings, as the many NGOS have chipped away at such monolithic to NGOs' within them assign different meanings different "stakeholder groups" motivate some 2003:146). While NGOs' missions primarily actions (Hilhorst are the means to pursue higher status, actors, to others these organizations and Fortun 2000:214; Hefferan or simply a job (e.g., Fortun travel opportunities, 2007:50; Schade 2005:130). this book examines how conBuilding on this anthropological trajectory, effective influence like donor groups wield a subtle but nonetheless stituencies > While not looking for a "smoking gun," on NGOS and their "target populations." and the roles our development aid this book analyzes how power operates, local civic life. This that aid play in transforming and agencies administering the death toll of the earthquake and its power has real material consequences: given the present system of aid aftermath was unfortunately very predictable (Schuller and Morales 2012). :50; Schade 2005:130). this book examines how conBuilding on this anthropological trajectory, effective influence like donor groups wield a subtle but nonetheless stituencies > While not looking for a "smoking gun," on NGOS and their "target populations." and the roles our development aid this book analyzes how power operates, local civic life. This that aid play in transforming and agencies administering the death toll of the earthquake and its power has real material consequences: given the present system of aid aftermath was unfortunately very predictable (Schuller and Morales 2012). --- Page 27 --- INTRODUCTION NGOS and their impacts on Haiti To be more direct, how are we to evaluate Do NGOS democratize other countries in the global South? (Mosse 2005). and they serve and offering a better system development, being closer to the people Paul and Israel 1991). as some believe? (Clark 1991; Eyma 1992; of governance, invasion" of the South by the North, Or are NGOS a tool of imperialism, a "gentle 2007; Petras 1997). More others assert? (Étienne 1997; Gill 2000; Louis-Juste as we make and evaluate these claims? important, on what bases can Assessing NGOS and autonomy these questions are participation Central to understanding NGO empowers local recipient comwithin NGOS. For example, if a particular from setting priorities to in all aspects of their work, munities to participate the state but also donor agencies, evaluation, and is autonomous from not only Conversely, if an communities can use this NGO to solve local problems. then international donors can use it to NGO lacks local participation and autonomy, control over the country. establish foreign priorities and maintain foreign of the local and global phebased analysis This book is an ethnographically and autonomy within NGOS. nomena that promote or inhibit participation frame, discussing this book offers a comparative To identify these phenomena longevity, and sector preHaitian women's NGOS of similar size, nationality, two call "Sove Lavi" (Kreyôl for 'saving vention, but different donors. The group I USAID funds, while the lives")4received only public development aid, including private NGO Ansanm" ("women united"), received mostly other, "Fanm Têt brushed aside member concerns in favor funding. Whereas Sove Lavi repeatedly Fanm Tèt Ansanm enjoyed mandates, triggering local conflicts, of top-down and member participation. relatively high levels of autonomy with Kindness traces relationships To understand these differences, Killing NGO staff, direcrecipients of services, between various sets of actors, including using a frameand donor agencies, tors, other NGOS, the Haitian government, acknowledges, (2006b). Civic infrastructure work I call "civic infrastructure" between the various constituencies charts, and analyzes the interrelationship tempoinvolved in NGOS or social movements-even or "stakeholder groups" and Guattari 1987)-as each relationship (Deleuze rary groupings or "assemblages" others in the "social field" (Bourdieu 1998). both affects and is affected by highlighting extreme allows for comparisons in relationships, This frame and across the North-South divide. inequalities, both within Haitian society these relationships and to also helps to examine patterns in Civic infrastructure between two or more NGOS. interrogate observed differences ethnographic fieldwork within This study is based primarily on long-term twenty months spanthe bulk of which was conducted during these two NGOS, crisis, October 2003 to May 2005. ning Haiti's protracted political/leconomic " (Bourdieu 1998). both affects and is affected by highlighting extreme allows for comparisons in relationships, This frame and across the North-South divide. inequalities, both within Haitian society these relationships and to also helps to examine patterns in Civic infrastructure between two or more NGOS. interrogate observed differences ethnographic fieldwork within This study is based primarily on long-term twenty months spanthe bulk of which was conducted during these two NGOS, crisis, October 2003 to May 2005. ning Haiti's protracted political/leconomic --- Page 28 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS with a above, I lived in a house in a mixed-income neighborhood As mentioned interactions (or lack thereof) between sizeable middle class. I thus saw daily the tenacious threads of of different classes in Haiti, and saw firsthand people and their Haitian proxies, safely civil society missed by donor representatives by high walls and houses and driven to work, protected concealed in their large most of the horrors that blogTrue, living in Kriswa I was spared armed guards. in bidonvil such as Sitesolèy (Cité gers and CNN alike dutifully highlighted and walking to public transit, Bèlè But living on my own Soleil) or (Bel-Air). Clifford Geertz happening to be around I often found myself in situ not unlike before me (e.g., raid (1973:420). Like many other anthropologists during a police the social distance and protection that Behar 1993, 1996), several times a day, would pierce my white body carrying a U.S. passport imperialism provided my >15 Often, this interpellation as consciousness as a stranger hailed me as "blan." albeit on an individual Other came with a request for redistributive justice, and M. Catherine Paul Farmer level. Unlike the medical anthropologists Health and Lambi Fund, respectively, Maternowska, who cofounded Partners in depleting computer to offer while racing against my I had little here-and-now understand the long-term effects of what battery, typing up fieldnotes to try and was happening. that began long before beginning The pages that follow represent a journey student, I was a full-time research. Before becoming a graduate this particular with low-income tenants to community organizer in the Twin Cities, working their The target of in their building, their complex, and city. redress injustice which had the power to build more affordable our organizing was often the city, of tenants. The city also and thus ease the burden on tens of thousands Union housing for one of our key services-the Tenants was a primary funding source odds with one of our two funding sources. hotline. My job was thus directly at south and took their charitable When the other donor, a corporation, moved people from lowwith them mere months after kicking out fifty freeze giving portfolio their office, the city seized the opportunity to income housing to expand of starting the cycle over again with funds. We were all laid off. Instead its own to study the dynamics of funding, particuanother grassroots group, I decided a very vivid case of the that funders wield. Haiti was to prove larly the power power of funding agencies. from a variety of sources using a The information that follows was gathered with people ranging of methods.' 16 I recorded more than 120 interviews NGO variety leaders; current and former factory workers; janfrom peasant association employees; and frontline staff, and administrators; Haitian government itors, Brussels, Geneva, and Washington. I constructed donor representatives in Haiti, stories I read in the period, and collected an archive of more than 4,200 news in their "daily life" and their of materials from the two NGOS two boxes print and another two from donors and other interactions with other institutions, with people ranging of methods.' 16 I recorded more than 120 interviews NGO variety leaders; current and former factory workers; janfrom peasant association employees; and frontline staff, and administrators; Haitian government itors, Brussels, Geneva, and Washington. I constructed donor representatives in Haiti, stories I read in the period, and collected an archive of more than 4,200 news in their "daily life" and their of materials from the two NGOS two boxes print and another two from donors and other interactions with other institutions, --- Page 29 --- INTRODUCTION racial and national-identity privilege that NGOS. And I attempted, despite my of in Haiti in from what was to become the worst wave kidnappings spared me life within the NGOS and their communities. May 2005, to live a "typical" daily (Harrison 1991, 2008), my As part of my attempt to decolonize anthropology with many of the people and groups conclusions followed a process of dialogue "findings" in the summer of Istudied, with formal conversations discussing my the tradition of "particibursts of dialogue since, within 2006 and punctuated patory action research." Outline of the Book I begin with the 2004 "crisis" book unfolds much like a detective story. This media, filling in the gaps with long-term ethnographic as reported in foreign I then the importance of women's empowerment. fieldwork, and outlining including USAID-failed to deliver. detail how Sove Lavi-with public funding, discusses its roots on another Explaining this local failure, the following chapter we discover Through this discussion, level, itself demanding an explanation. understandable responses to the that what seem like *local" failures are quite the fall of the Berlin Wall environment in Washington a decade after attacks on political War's end and following the terrorist that heralded the Cold reproduce and reward inequality September II, 200I. Two policies in particular management, and centralization: "results" or "performance" this and bureaucratic in which power operates within abstinence-only interventions. The process and visible as Karl Marx or Max of international aid is neither as rational outlined. system and diffuse as Michel Foucault Weber declared, nor as individuating call "trickle-down imperialism" Grafting these insights together, a process I defensive interprewithin the system, wherein intermediaries impose into disasoperates otherwise well-meaning policy tations onto subordinates, turning shielding policies and Local failures stole the spotlight, trous implementation. such as USAID from criticism in the process. crises in agencies lived account of recent political and economic Chapter I offers a from "structural violence" (Farmer violence" stemming Haiti, a case of"episodic women's understandings, survival, 2004; Harrison 1997). This chapter discusses It thus highlights the resistance strategies within such conditions. and such as Sove Lavi and Fanm Têt Ansanm. importance of women's organizations effects on the research, this chapter While discussing my own position and its violence is lived perspectives of poor women. As structural voices the diverse and economic crisis as heads of women bear the brunt of the political gendered, mitan, "center posts" or pillars of Haitian society. households and as poto of "participation," offering an Chapter 2 deconstructs donor discourses and that addresses multiple perspectives ethnographically grounded concept and Mohan 2004a; Paley (see also Cooke and Kothari 200I; Hickey processes this chapter While discussing my own position and its violence is lived perspectives of poor women. As structural voices the diverse and economic crisis as heads of women bear the brunt of the political gendered, mitan, "center posts" or pillars of Haitian society. households and as poto of "participation," offering an Chapter 2 deconstructs donor discourses and that addresses multiple perspectives ethnographically grounded concept and Mohan 2004a; Paley (see also Cooke and Kothari 200I; Hickey processes --- Page 30 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS between the two NGOS' aid recipi2001). The chapter discusses relationships relationships with the and the communities' ents and their communities, for relatively high levels of NGOS. One NGO, Fanm Têt Ansanm, provided space and even program involvement in execution, discussion, planning, Lavi, when recipient at the other, Sove design and priority setting, whereas participation details. limited to minute implementation it occurred at all, was primarily realities within NGO offices, Chapter 3 theorizes the often-contradictory exaggerated and familial. Mirroring and reproducing at once hierarchical NGO offices are organized hierarchically, as inequalities within Haitian society, this hierarchy, most staff reflected in spatial practice and language. Despite likening them to a famwarmly about their collegial relationships, many and spoke different responses to these pressures of hierarchy ily. The two NGOS had than did Sove Lavi's, Fanm Tèt Ansanm staff had more autonomy inequality: frontline staff, whereas Sove Lavi was highly with leadership diffused among that these differences are due to centralized and top-heavy. This chapter argues NGOs' leadership structure and individuality. the two distinction in the two NGOs' autonomy. Sove Lavi was Chapter 4 outlines a board. Donors made dependent on donors who sit on their policymaking listed as very details and were decisions about policy, strategy, and implementation and somewhat in of Sove Lavi publications. By contrast, on paper coauthors certain autonomy from a programmatic practice, Fanm Têt Ansanm enjoyed the of "partners." NGO funders, who use language their Northern (European) role in Fanm Têt Ansanm, only implementing But donors played a backstage suggestions that matched donor priorities. community and roots of donor policies, Chapter 5 discusses the historical political interactions with nature of bilateral aid that shapes explaining the political aid at the end of the Following a legitimation crisis in international local actors. by imposing "results-based manageCold War, the U.S. Congress responded the religious while special interest groups-including ment" as a practice, national interest according to their vision. Right-seized the void to define the in the South details how rumblings in global capitals are magnified This chapter during the process of aid implementation. theories that derive from The book's conclusion presents three grounded framings implicit in research. First, Killing with Kindness challenges binary the offering a tripartite analysis models of "civil society" and "globalization," the many sets of actors: transnational agencies, that tracks and theorizes multiple roles played by intermediand local communities. Second, it highlights of state, NGOS as "semi-elites" are inheritors past aries in holding up the system: Finally, grafting insights world systems and pillars of contemporary? globalization. analysis, the technics of power with a Marxist world systems from Foucault's international development, that I call book offers a theory of power, especially in conclusion is an afterword, imperialism. Following the theoretical trickle-down ization," the many sets of actors: transnational agencies, that tracks and theorizes multiple roles played by intermediand local communities. Second, it highlights of state, NGOS as "semi-elites" are inheritors past aries in holding up the system: Finally, grafting insights world systems and pillars of contemporary? globalization. analysis, the technics of power with a Marxist world systems from Foucault's international development, that I call book offers a theory of power, especially in conclusion is an afterword, imperialism. Following the theoretical trickle-down --- Page 31 --- INTRODUCTION pulling together suggestions for changing this system, beginning at the grassroots level and following the same levels of analysis discussed in this book. Like many people, I am confronted with a dual reality about Haiti's earthquake. On the one hand, it is one of the world's most serious humanitarian disasters to date. As a common humanity, we should definitely be supporting Haiti's resurrection. This aid is too important, with too many lives at stake, to deny our support to the victims. Even and especially since the U.S. government bailed out Wall Street to the tune of $I.5 trillion, we should be giving grant aid7 to the South, and we should increase our total allocation to be I percent of our gross domestic product (as proposed by the ONE Campaign in an effort to "make poverty history"; it is currently the lowest of any developed country at O.16 percent). On the other hand, the failure of the NGO system leading up to and especially following the earthquake is now impossible to ignore. With due respect to the musician-activist Bono and the ONE Campaign, our support should come with a clear set of proposed changes to the way our aid is delivered. If we don't, we just continue our killing with kindness. --- Page 32 --- I Violence and Venereal Disease Structural Violence, Gender, and HIV/AIDS My friend goes to the industrial park at 5:00 every day on foot. She needs to leave A.M. SO she can be at work by 7:00 A.M. And with the 5:00 A.M., it's dangerous. Assassins insecurity at pull their guns, rape them, steal their money, all kinds of things. -Lisette, women's activist and former factory worker Mondie. May 16, 2005, 9:22 P.M. The shooting continues. This might be a was a ton of shooting in the spillover from this afternoon. There Ginen," several people Nazon/Kafou Ayewopô area. According to were injured from gunshots. I saw Radyo blokis (traffic jam), SO it was faster to walk the effect: a complete Kreyol (two kilometers), all the way from Sove Lavi to Kabann where I got in a taxi that I walked in the afternoon was going to Kafou sun and rode in a blokis Ayewopo.2 not all that familiar with, all SO I could through neighborhoods Iam meeting. I got in the taxi and make it in time to a Fanm Têt Ansanm sat in the fetal position, adults, as the car just sat there. A full forty crammed with six other later, we were at the minutes and only one hundred gas station where I take the yards every day I go to Fanm Têt Ansanm. tap-tap (public transport) shots and then one Just next to us, there was a round of really loud boom. CIMO (Haiti's gun- "stormtroopers"). and UN troops shot special riot police force, or in the air. Panic quickly hundreds of rounds of automatic ensued, with people weapons of their tap-tap or taxi to run. The driver running away. Many people got out back who wanted to run from prevented the young woman in the "I will getting off. "It's more get us out of here." So we drove dangerousl," he screamed. where I eat lunch on Sundays. quickly but not rushed, to the corner There Then we got into another, more was no way I was going to get to Fanm severe blokis. or even close to it. hundreds of rounds of automatic ensued, with people weapons of their tap-tap or taxi to run. The driver running away. Many people got out back who wanted to run from prevented the young woman in the "I will getting off. "It's more get us out of here." So we drove dangerousl," he screamed. where I eat lunch on Sundays. quickly but not rushed, to the corner There Then we got into another, more was no way I was going to get to Fanm severe blokis. or even close to it. I called, and the Têt Ansanm by four o'clock, secretary Michaëlle scolding me for forgetting my manners when answered the phone, supervisor who was hosting I asked for Jonette, the the meeting. Another of Jonette's sisters program was shot --- Page 33 --- VENEREAL DISEASE VIOLENCE AND She wasn't going to be in, and there and killed, making Jonette the sole survivor. think that the volunteers at Kafou Ayewopô, SO Michaëlle didn't was a panic since the volunteers would be by to meet with Jonette. I thought differently, there. few people were even were supposed to be paid. Regardless, On the corner was a trash pile I walked up the hill to my house, exhausted. the hill, keeping a I asked "Mami," " who sits in her store atop like I'd never seen. normal. She said no. watchful eye on all goings-on, if this was it to the resto (enclosed out of steam by the time I made up I was totally "street food") a half block from my restaurant, a notch up from chen janbe, food. She said no. Not a Charlene if she had any house. I asked the proprietor called in advance and reserved some. thing. She snapped that I should have to be here. I tried to get to I told her that I didn't call because I didn't expect work but couldn't. So here I am, home early. business, another client who owned a midsize neighborhood So Maxon, to have mayi moulin (cornmeal). He was offered me his plate. He was going Charlene brought me what eating his veggies, meat, and boiled plantains. for. Charlene wouldn't have been his plate, which he had already paid would friend. Every SO often you give me gifts. let me pay for it. She said, "You are a Today it's my turn." fan of cornmeal and despite the it, I am not a huge And SO I ate although little bit. Like the government stafflinterfact that it was cold. We talked for a Charlene and Maxon said viewed last week, and Fanm Têt Ansanm staff, both bad. couldn't (or didn't want to) pinpoint that Haiti had never been this They had gone to hell. But Maxon the situation, why the country what was causing were never like this. When he came to said that in his forty-seven years, things all night, just hanging out didn't sleep: they stayed up Potoprens in 1982, people in the street, they offered If people saw someone that needed help or dancing. afraid. Someone could be literally help. Now they don't, because people are don't do anything. Because neighbor-asking for help and people yards away-a they are afraid.3 Dawn (who runs the Hospice St. Joseph, an A half hour ago I got a call from on Saturday, two in the neighborhood). Apparently, NGO guesthouse/clinic where I buy my drinking water. What men were kidnapped in broad daylight radio. Two of another NGO's is that this news hasn't made it to the worries me the week. In sleepy Tèryewouj (Terrierstaff have been kidnapped in past thieves broke into the journey from Pôtoprens, Rouge), then a twelve-hour themselves as police. They beat up peasants' cooperative compound, disguising solar panels. on Saturday, two in the neighborhood). Apparently, NGO guesthouse/clinic where I buy my drinking water. What men were kidnapped in broad daylight radio. Two of another NGO's is that this news hasn't made it to the worries me the week. In sleepy Tèryewouj (Terrierstaff have been kidnapped in past thieves broke into the journey from Pôtoprens, Rouge), then a twelve-hour themselves as police. They beat up peasants' cooperative compound, disguising solar panels. still unsuccessful in stealing the cooperative's the guard but were Tuesday, May 17, 2005, 6:17 P.M. There was a round-the-clock patrol swooped overhead all day long. Helicopters People seemed freaked out. of CIMO in strategic places. --- Page 34 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS market downtown. I got different takes on the Someone burned the Tèt Bef timachann (street merchants), damage, but it seems bad. Poor people, including out, the only people who As someone at Fanm Têt Ansanm pointed are affected. merchants, who control the market and can could possibly benefit are the big increase in prices. raise their prices or ride the short-on-supply I can only imagine what it It drizzled this morning and was very muddy. Around Fanm Têt like down the bay, in the "popular" neighborhoods. was by with pools of mud bigger than the hurried Ansanm's office was absolutely awful, who are just chèche laviby, soaking the unlucky timachann SUVs zooming reminded of the promises to make everything all trying to make a living. I was destroyed the houses on bicentennial, when the government nice for the 2004 the street, rendering fifty families homeless. amount of for the United States for an indeterminate Jonette is leaving time.s white person in all the places I visited Iwas aware of being the only visibly (Schuller 2010a). To that I stick out is putting the matter mildly today. say Lens An Anthropologist's the country. Solleft, three days later, Because I had a U.S. visa, I was able to leave who were intercepted at and leaving behind the hundreds using my privilege the timachann, day and sent back and the ti pèp la in my neighborhood: sea like Lisette and her friend. laborers, and factory workers as well as people who can afford here to highlight the simple fact that people I began the chapter Those left holding things together tend to to opt out of a bad situation often do. social " "outside, people marginalized by inequality, be people andego-literally "outsiders within.' >6 Not able to leave what Patricia Hill Collins (2000:32) called and primary caregivers, behind as heads of household their responsibilities the brunt of this violence. I also began with Haitian women in particular faced into view the often-hidden from my final fieldnotes to bring these two episodes "istwa" means both "history" in the acaframe of analysis: the istwa. The word also Bell 2001). As Micheldemic sense of the word as well as simply"story" (see is always a political Trouillot reminds us, the act of telling a story/history Rolph and the storyteller is always a political actor (1995:22). event and interpretation, "neutral" but rather an act of power (28), The act of writing history is never perspective are (Nicholls 1974). Bias and a theoretical "a work of combat" this fact in the search for "truth" implicit in the act of writing history. To deny (or "ideology," 71 in is at best misguided and at worst a deception about the past theoretical terms). official histories, Haiti's story has been As is the case with most other ideologically driven political dominated by the political stage, told primarily by from the analysis are the disinterested media. Missing actors and ostensibly of power (28), The act of writing history is never perspective are (Nicholls 1974). Bias and a theoretical "a work of combat" this fact in the search for "truth" implicit in the act of writing history. To deny (or "ideology," 71 in is at best misguided and at worst a deception about the past theoretical terms). official histories, Haiti's story has been As is the case with most other ideologically driven political dominated by the political stage, told primarily by from the analysis are the disinterested media. Missing actors and ostensibly --- Page 35 --- VIOLENCE AND VENEREAL DISEASE voices of the people most affected majority. While yet most silenced: women from Haiti's from the acknowledging my own position as a white, male poor United States who left when anthropologist to return women's things got too hot, this own voices and their own chapter attempts implicitly critique dominant analyses to the fore, and to at least them to the "stories" framings of Haiti's recent "history" by told by the women who lived contrasting Collins (2000:31) argued, Black feminist that history every day. As and retelling of Black women's knowledge begins with critical analysis lar own experiences and material application of what feminist scholars call reality, a particu1991). As the Haitian "standpoint theory" (Harding anthropologist Gina Ulysse racial, gender, and class identities (2008:113) reminds us, our tell us and what is cannot be separated from what the "natives" presented for us to "observe." > This ity raised by the double same critique of objectiving meaning of istwa rings true for people's stories. The griyo anthropologists collectand historical actors who (storytellers) are self-aware, conscious tell us not only what political also what they think we need to they think we want to hear, but Our own subject hear, using us as a mouthpiece (Ulysse 2002). called positions-including and especially our activism, "engaged" or "public" anthropology what can be Gonzâlez 2004; Lamphere (Besteman and Gusterson 2005; 2004; Low and fore inseparable from the istwa Merry 201O; Sanday 2003)-are therethat we less have a shared subjective collaboratively produce, which nonethereality that is useful to The stories written counter dominant by most journalists who framings. country careened toward President swooped into Haiti as the 29. Once President Aristide Aristide's 2004 ouster ended on was forced out of the February dropped off almost immediately. country, news coverage Darfur, to "History" followed the war Lebanon, or back to Iraq.7 While I was in Haiti correspondents to May 2005, the Associated Press from October 2003 to ground. This hit-and-run employed at least nineteen writers on the the "ifit bleeds, it leads" approsch-following what my journalist friend called on the news when it's bad principle-produces stories wherein Haiti only appears (Potter 2009). It's not 1,200 people I polled while giving surprising that only one of itive first guest lectures in the United States impression of Haiti, attesting to the had a posWhile the mainstream power of the dominant istwa. the people I came to know it press was defining February 29 as a conclusion, to was just a beginning. The "Aristide undoubtedly be debated for years to come, with question" will victim of the world system (e.g., some arguing that he was a Bogdanich and 2004; Dupuy 2005; Engler and Fenton Nordberg 2006; Chomsky et al. and others arguing that he 2005; Hallward 2007; Robinson 2007), (Bohning was principally to blame for the 2004; Charles 2005; Deibert political crisis 2005; Rotberg 2003). The 2005; Dupuy 2007; Fatton 2007; Girard remains the most controversy over Aristide-while as potent symbol, important he nonetheless particularly to Haiti's excluded keeps our attention only on the political poor majoritystage, silencing how this al. and others arguing that he 2005; Hallward 2007; Robinson 2007), (Bohning was principally to blame for the 2004; Charles 2005; Deibert political crisis 2005; Rotberg 2003). The 2005; Dupuy 2007; Fatton 2007; Girard remains the most controversy over Aristide-while as potent symbol, important he nonetheless particularly to Haiti's excluded keeps our attention only on the political poor majoritystage, silencing how this --- Page 36 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS majority. To people like Maxon, crisis was lived day to day by Haiti's poor all classes, the two-year and Grann, and everyone else I talked to of the Charlene, Grann, being the only one of transition period that followed was worse. who was old enough to the neighborhood pèp la-Haiti's poor majority-in in Haiti's history: in the late 1950S, remember, recalled only one worse period the dictator François Duvalier was consolidating power. when privilege protecting my blan body As underscored by my ace-in-the-hole mine is a particular is the Haitian term for both "foreign" and "white"), (blan "for" Haitian people, in the singular point of view. I will not ever claim to speak these subaltern do speak to demonstrate, or even plural. As they powerfully had the honor of being asked to help share those who listen (Spivak 1988). I have and Schuller 2009). But as Nancy mediate) some of their stories (Bergan (and yes, being a "barefoot anthropologist"- Scheper-Hughes (1995) has demonstrated, and spending most of my staying as close as possible to the poor majority, talking distance between uscomforts that would put time with them, while eschewing stringers to Haiti, nearly all of is the next best thing. When AP sent nineteen connected local on at best a French speakers and a politically them had to rely exclusions-to get the story. Only two journalist "fixer"-and their biases and their hotel, and enough to learn Kreyôl, get out of upscale were in Haiti long research is much more slow going. scratch beneath the surface. Anthropological interview, not just because thirteen months before my first recorded I waited and therefore be someone people could posIwanted to keep my commitments because I needed to get up with the roosters, sibly trust with their istwa, but also moved away, or be grumble about the electricity and water, watch as neighbors round of gunmiddle of the night by a low-flying UN helicopter or awoken in the class: representatives of international shots. Ialso spoke with people from every Haiti, industrialists, governdevelopment agencies in Washington, Europe, and workers, and officials, NGO employees of every rung, peasants, factory ment recorded interviews in constructing this istwa. timachann. In all, I conducted II5 returned at least twice a months of initial fieldwork, I have Following my twenty keeping my promises and learning. year (with two months in the summers), differs from, even as it intersects with, Necessarily, the istwa that Itell here constellation of interto set up the other stories and histories. Nonetheless, stories, and especially to pretations and accounts, individual and collective we need to begin Lisette's story at the beginning of the chapter, understand up to that fateful Sunday media istwa, the events leading with a mainstream morning at the end of February. A Brief Istwa of the Crisis demonstrated by Colleen, who was The crisis began way before 2004, ironically interview: "There's some move working at USAID at the time of an October 2005 of interto set up the other stories and histories. Nonetheless, stories, and especially to pretations and accounts, individual and collective we need to begin Lisette's story at the beginning of the chapter, understand up to that fateful Sunday media istwa, the events leading with a mainstream morning at the end of February. A Brief Istwa of the Crisis demonstrated by Colleen, who was The crisis began way before 2004, ironically interview: "There's some move working at USAID at the time of an October 2005 --- Page 37 --- VENEREAL DISEASE VIOLENCE AND that won't work in Haiti. If you do that in Haiti, for truth and reconciliation, but two hundred years ago. How then people will be talking about what happened ago? I don't know something that happened two hundred years do; you reconcile discourse of "moving on" and "not dwelling how you would get at it." Colleen's professionals, including in the past" is a familiar refrain among development in January 2010. Bill Clinton, right up until the earthquake Special UN Envoy the is a major reason why these agencies Unfortunately this silencing of past to mention like Haiti. As many scholars familiar with Haiti-not fail in places Haiti's current situation is in large part strucHaitian people-know: all too well, (1990), Dupuy (1989, scholars such as Trouillot tured by its past. As Haitian decline was the result of collusion 1997), and Fatton (2004) have argued, Haiti's elsewhere (2007a), Haiti's local and foreign elite groups. As I argued between frame, tracking the actions and contrahistoryis best understood in a tripartite community," of three levels of actors: what is called "the international role dictions Particularly relevant is the and the Haitian people. the Haitian government, intermediaries, typically Haiti's elite groups. played by colony in the world, producing large surpluses Once the most productive Haiti was the second to for the soon-to-be revolutionary French bourgeoisie, and slave revolt to in the Americas. It was the first, only, gain its independence in 1804. The decline begins shortly followsucceed in attaining free nationhood, elite since Jean-Jacques While the black military ing Haiti's 1804 independence. (1807-1820) attempted to Dessalines (1804-1806) and King Henry Christophe the surplus needed to laborers to work in plantations to accumulate leaders compel Citadel, still standing today, mulatto build a military and the impressive (1818-1843) attempted Pétion (1807-1818) and Jean Pierre Boyer since Alexandre negotiating the 150 million accommodation with foreign powers (including Haiti's two main elite to France in 1825, discussed below). francs indemnity merchant class, commilitary elite and a light-skinned groups, a dark-skinned state (Nicholls 1996; Trouillot with each other for access to the Haitian and peted lightened by migration from Lebanon, Syria, 1994a). The merchant class, trade, directly aligning its made millions off its monopoly in foreign interests Jordan, Neither group defended the interests with those of foreign capitalists. the state to extract wealth for of the mass of rural laborers, and both used 1990). from the peasantry (Sheller 2004; Trouillot 1977, personal gain intermediaries of the interBoth groups derived their power from being off slave labor, Haiti was Because the world economy was built national system. surrounding it. In the United States, where ostracized by the slave-owning powers Congress actually passed a gag War presidents owned slaves, several pre-Civil discussed. "The peace and safety of order, preventing Haiti from being a South Carolina senator in forbids us to discuss [Haitil," bellowed a large portion France demanded 150 mil1824 (Farmer 2003:69). For its part, postrevolutionary of Haitian in exchange for their recognition lion francs in 1825 as an indemnity surrounding it. In the United States, where ostracized by the slave-owning powers Congress actually passed a gag War presidents owned slaves, several pre-Civil discussed. "The peace and safety of order, preventing Haiti from being a South Carolina senator in forbids us to discuss [Haitil," bellowed a large portion France demanded 150 mil1824 (Farmer 2003:69). For its part, postrevolutionary of Haitian in exchange for their recognition lion francs in 1825 as an indemnity --- Page 38 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS for their loss of "property." > Boyer-who independence, to repay former planters the leader Toussaint Louverture-accepted had fought against the revolutionary history. Since the such ransom in world postcolonial terms. This is the only loan from a private French it a usurious Haitian state was bankrupt, accepted of its tax base to payit off for more than bank and spent as much as 80 percent [18971 2004). When western 1990; 2002; Marcelin 120 years (Gaillard-Pourchet railroads, cable lines, irrigation Europe and North America were building off France schools, and hospitals, Haiti was paying systems, sewage systems, France later self-righteously condemned because of an economic institution humanity" in 2001.9 as a "crime against vying for control of the state appaWith Haiti's racially divided elite groups roles in favoring one group or foreign institutions at times played decisive ratus, Haiti's poor majority. another, offering them tools to oppress society-especially the United competitors at war with one another, In 1915, with its European to foreign capitalism favored invaded Haiti. White supremacy in addition States and leaders to represent Haiti. lighter-skinned merchants as trading partners installed a series of occupation, the U.S. Marines During the nineteen-year army to quash dissent and governments, built a modern light-skinned puppet Roosevelt claims to a constitution that a young Franklin revolt, and imposed French (the language of the elite) Haiti's have written personally, which made The occupaand opened up land to foreign companies. only official language nationalism, and racial animosity (Polyné tion triggered understandable rage, this with the centralized bureaucracy 2010; Renda 2001; Smith 2009). Combine was set for a totalitarmillions in aid in a Cold War context, and the stage and 1990). François Duvalier was more than ian regime (Nicholls 1996; Trouillot willing to take these reins, and did SO in 1957. with the UN's 1948 of the official "development" era The inauguration enrichment and oppression of Mission to Haiti offered more tools for personal model, using the Cuban Duvalier ("Papa Doc") perfected this the populace. to successfully secure more aid from Revolution and his own anticommunism speech referred to as "Cri de during a famous 1960 the United States, especially search elsewhere (i.e., the Soviet Union) Jacmel," when Duvalier threatened to Using international aid aid (Diederich and Burt [1970] 2005; Ferguson 1987). IO for secret police called the tonton makout, money, Duvalier built an infamous less thousand Haitian people. Arguably responsible for killing at least thirty ("Baby Doc") was known as a than his father, Jean-Claude Duvalier bloodthirsty lavish riches on his wife, a light-skinned playboy, more interested in bestowing and USAID support, Baby Doc built member of Haiti's elite. With World Bank Haiti into the "Taiwan manufacturers, vowing to turn factories for U.S. clothing estimated that the Duvaliers stole Eric Duhaime (2002) of the Caribbean." million held in a Swiss account that was frozen. $goo million, including $5.7 motivation for Baby Doc's getting that money back was the primary Presumably, bloodthirsty lavish riches on his wife, a light-skinned playboy, more interested in bestowing and USAID support, Baby Doc built member of Haiti's elite. With World Bank Haiti into the "Taiwan manufacturers, vowing to turn factories for U.S. clothing estimated that the Duvaliers stole Eric Duhaime (2002) of the Caribbean." million held in a Swiss account that was frozen. $goo million, including $5.7 motivation for Baby Doc's getting that money back was the primary Presumably, --- Page 39 --- VENEREAL DISEASE VIOLENCE AND 17, 20II, less than a week after the first surprise return to Haiti on January Monetary Fund's According to the International anniversary of the earthquake. December 1980, $20 million was immeof a $22 million loan in in own accounting, for the tonton makout and the remainder diately siphoned off, $4 million By 1987, the first year after Duvalier's personal accounts (Ferguson 1987:70). Haiti's debt to (Haitian people use the Kreyôl dechoukaj), Duvalier was uprooted decided to keep this debt on international financial institutions (IFIS)-who this international $844 million. People in Haiti remember Haiti's people-was agencies like those of the Duvalier dictatorship, even as development Haiti's "clean support would have forget in their promotion of Colleen works for people mak, sonje" (The one who slate. "As the Kreyol proverb goes, "Bay kou, bliye, pote but the one who receives the scar remembers). strikes the blow may well forget, (Lundahl 1989; Rotberg 1997) The Haitian state was called a "kleptocracy" surveillance state" (Fatton 2002; Lundahl 1984). Under foreign or "predatory their individual wealth and the tonton and with foreign aid going to support As a result, most of the the Duvalierist state did not invest in its people. makout, initiatives: by 1991, following the first education and health care were private of schools were run by election, 90 percent of clinics and 85 percent democratic Connected to this is the lack of "absorptive capacity." mission groups and NGOS. funds, noted by many donor groups or the ability of public agencies to manage World Bank 2002a). International Monetary Fund 2002; Morton 1997; of (e.g., the democratic regimes, set upin the interests This was the stateinherited by technocrats from a small political class" self-promotion and exclusion, run by their jobs and pensions. civil service professionals fearful of losing and underpaid dictatorship went too far. In the mid-eighties, the foreign-supported renamed "HINI virus"), the Responding to threats of swine fever (recently of Haitian pigs be States demanded that the entire population United the de facto bank accounts for the peasdestroyed." II Since Haitian pigs were crash" (DeWind and Kinley this amounted to Haiti's "great stock market when antry, Smith 2001). The last straw came 1988; Diederich 1985; Farmer 1992; (Gonaives) in November 1985. Duvalier shot up a student protest in Gonayiv the United struggle gain steam, on February 7, 1986, Rather than let the popular out of Haiti, paving the way the safe transport of the Duvaliers States arranged quickly repaid its debt of gratitude to for a military junta. The new government measures authored by the the United States by imposing a range of neoliberal and immediately lost Leslie Delatour. The currency was floated "Chicago Boy" through the floor (Deshommes 1995, 2006). its value, driving already-low wages Today, Haiti has agricultural goods were slashed. Protective tariffs on foreign example, 3 percent for the lowest tariffs of anywhere in the hemisphere-for Haiti's peasaverage of 20 percent. This destroyed rice, compared to a regional businesses began to be privatized and little by little, state-owned ant economy, account and critique). (see Bazin's [2008] study for a detailed atour. The currency was floated "Chicago Boy" through the floor (Deshommes 1995, 2006). its value, driving already-low wages Today, Haiti has agricultural goods were slashed. Protective tariffs on foreign example, 3 percent for the lowest tariffs of anywhere in the hemisphere-for Haiti's peasaverage of 20 percent. This destroyed rice, compared to a regional businesses began to be privatized and little by little, state-owned ant economy, account and critique). (see Bazin's [2008] study for a detailed --- Page 40 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS Transition to Democracy One cannot understand the 2004 coup' without stage. On December 16, 1990, reference to the international World Bank despite $12 million in U.S. funds on official Marc Bazin's spent the former the liberation theology candidacy (Clement 1997:21; Griffin priest Jean-Bertrand Aristide 1992:129), overwhelming majority under the Lavalas was elected president by an translated as landslide or movement. "Lavalas" is alternatively "cleansing flood. " The on transparency, Lavalas campaign was founded plan-neoliberalism. participation, and an end to what they called the "death Aristide was removed from office on eight months into his presidency. Bankrolled September 30, 1991, International Republican by the CIA (Weisbrot 1997:27), the and local elites, the Institute (IRI) (Glick Schiller and Fouron military regime of Raoul 2001:227), and trained paramilitary Cédras and later the CIA-funded organization FRAPH (Front Progrès Haîtien) targeted popular pour l'Avancement et le The coup regime was organizations (Human Rights Watch 1993). arguably more repressive than ing and targeting as many as twenty thousand Duvalier, openly murderlar leaders. George H. W. Bush government members and popuspoke of his Vatican (already critical of disapproval of Aristide, and the Oscar Romero) Aristide and other activist priests like El Salvador's These officially recognized Cédras as Haiti's nods of support encouraged the legitimate president. killing popular coup regime and FRAPH to continue organization leaders and other poor people, supporters (Clement 1997:31). While still in presumably Aristide intense multinational exile, faced with violence and and Paris Club pressure, Aristide signed the Governor's Island Accord Agreement, ceding control to as the International international institutions such Monetary Fund (IMF), World Bank, and Development Bank (IDB) through Inter-American privatization and structural Following a U.S. invasion of thirty thousand adjustment. returned to power on October 15, troops, Aristide finally not allowed to extend the 1994, and served the rest of his term but was mandate for his in cratic transfer of power in 1996 threeyearsi exile. Haiti's first demosecond president followed the election of René Préval, Haiti's (after François Duvalier) to serve his full period, unprecedented amounts of term. During this $1.8 billion from the fiscal international aid were poured into Haitiof this aid flowed years 1995 to 1999 (World Bank 2002b). The through NGOS, which sprung up like majority period (Morton 1997:1; Smith never before during this another form of "invasion" 2001:31)-what some Haitian scholars qualified as (Étienne 1997; The Lavalas Louis-Juste 2007). governments of Aristide and Préval continued policies begun after the de facto the neoliberal Lavalas regimes and military dictatorships. leadership, first elected to end this Why did the "invasion" of NGOs? In addition "death plan," accept this aid and to the conditions Island Accord noted above, Haiti imposed by the Governor's was broke. the World Bank researcher Alice During the mid-1990s, according to Morton (1997:vi), 90 percent of Haiti's national Louis-Juste 2007). governments of Aristide and Préval continued policies begun after the de facto the neoliberal Lavalas regimes and military dictatorships. leadership, first elected to end this Why did the "invasion" of NGOs? In addition "death plan," accept this aid and to the conditions Island Accord noted above, Haiti imposed by the Governor's was broke. the World Bank researcher Alice During the mid-1990s, according to Morton (1997:vi), 90 percent of Haiti's national --- Page 41 --- VIOLENCE AND VENEREAL DISEASE budget was financed (Mulet externally, a figure that fell to 70 percent in 2007). As a peasant in Tissous the mid-2000s ethnography of NGOS quoted in Jennie Smith's (2001:38-39) argued, "Ifyou are thirsty, and the putrid, you're obligated to hold only water you've got is your nose and drink"-a (2008) and others repeat to Aristide's point that Paul Farmer had made too critics on the Left, who that many compromises and concessions argued he offered donors and IFIs a more efficient to the IFIs. A sidelined state with little to no resistance. model for the implantation of programs, Haiti's state was weakened in this period by donor policies. In Republican-controlled U.S. Congress forced USAID 1995 the government in favor of NGOS. In to stop funding the Haitian the World Bank 1997, citing the lack of an elected (2002a:3) parliament, account balance suspended new loans to Haiti. Following a current problem wherein the tional reserves of U.S. dollars, government was drained of its internaimbalance of triggered by this act as well as Haiti's imports to exports, 14 the IMF (2001) extreme When Haiti's imposed austerity measures.15 government failed to deliver, the IMF multilateral funds to Haiti. Meanwhile, triggered a freeze of all remained high, bilateral donor flows directly to creating a parallel state (Lwijis 2009), what NGOS governmental government. " Donors' some call a "non- "cold war" between the cash-starved policy of circumventing the state fueled a NGO sector (Morton Haitian government and the well-funded 1997:40). USAID-funded cies that countered the priorities NGOS crafted development poliset by Haiti's elected agriculture, food security, and education. government, notably in oriented agriculture (USAID U.S.-funded NGOs promoted export1997), undermined local import tariffs, encouraged dependency production by removing (Richardson by dumping U.S. 1997), and funded private schools agricultural surpluses and adult literacy at the expense of public schools human programs (USAID 1999). USAID also sanitized rights record, destroying documents the official diminishing or flatly denying victims' connecting FRAPH to the CIA and Donors also testimonies (James 2010). played a direct role in supporting his 2000 reelection. Foreign opposition to Aristide since funded NGOS that agencies such as USAID and the European Union played leadership roles in 2005). The Civil Society Initiative Aristide's opposition (Dupuy defined civil society in (ISC) assembled Haiti's business elites who an explicitly the model of Adam Smith ideological liberal framework, following Hubert DeRonceray, (Jean 2002:34). ISC was founded in 2000 president of USAID's educational by included other Rightist bourgeois partner (FONHEP), and it interest families like the Boulos'6 and groups like the Center for Free pro-business defined itself as the single, Enterprise and Democracy. This authentic representative of group though it lacked legitimacy because it "civil society," even (Jean 2002:35). As a represented only bourgeois interests corrective, the Group of 184'7 was 2002 IRI conference, held at a Santo founded at a December Domingo hotel where the exiled putschist by included other Rightist bourgeois partner (FONHEP), and it interest families like the Boulos'6 and groups like the Center for Free pro-business defined itself as the single, Enterprise and Democracy. This authentic representative of group though it lacked legitimacy because it "civil society," even (Jean 2002:35). As a represented only bourgeois interests corrective, the Group of 184'7 was 2002 IRI conference, held at a Santo founded at a December Domingo hotel where the exiled putschist --- Page 42 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS (Bogdanich and Nordberg 2006). A significant Guy Philippe was also residing the of 184 included women's between the oppositions is that Group difference organizations, and human rights groupsorganizations, labor unions, peasants' their list U.S. and other donor agencies' funding-in many of which had received million for "democracyand goverof members.' 18 In 2003, USAID allocated $2.9 overall USAID portfolio was in 2002, while the nance, > up from $2 million $107 to $54 million (USAID 2003). halved over the previous four years, from to civil society has claimed success: "To date, USAID's support USAID (2003) to engage with government on empowered and perhaps emboldened groups FY 2002 USAID launched interests.' > USAID further explained: "In national resist the growing trend toward to help Haitian civil society new programs leadership." authoritarian rule by developing new political the "democratic opposiThis was still not enough. In February 2004, when lost control of the Aristide down, and after the Group of 184 tion" failed to bring "insurrection"t took over. Philippe groundswell of student-led protests, an armed Chamblain routed police convicted former FRAPH leader Louis Jodel and the officers to hide. Coming from the stations, freeing inmates and forcing police 2004), possibly the "rebels" used U.S.-made M16s (James Dominican Republic, to patrol the border (Darion Garcia the same just given to the Dominican Army their with opposition's insistence on nonalignment 2003). Despite the political revealed that he was in constant contact with later this armed group, Philippe (Jacklin 2007). The "insurboth the United States and the political opposition the United States Before dawn on February 29, 2004, rection" succeeded quickly. plane, following the U.S. government's flew. Aristide out of Haiti aboard a military 2008; Tamayo 2004). order that Aristide's private security withdraw (Dumas to above, this is where most of the foreign media attention-not As noted Despite the many critical events mention books, blogs, and activism-stops. istwa ends in 2004 with Aristide's occurred since, all too often the that have February 29 was not just the end of ouster. To people living in Haiti, however, sad one. the beginning of another story, a very one story but also Rise in Violence violent than the "insurrection," measure, the interim period was more By any an NGO janitor, recalled, including more killings and kidnappings. Monique, Because now you walk on top of "For myself, I see that things are more difficult. thank you Jesus. is You go out. If you return, you say, cadavers. No one spared. Because other people, wake up in your bed, thank you Jesus. You sleep, you in the streets, in a car. You go out, you they leave their bed and disappear hair? I used to have long hair. fear. You enter, you are in fear. You see my are in lose hair. Stress!" This stress caused me to my the watch of UN peacekeeping troops. This rise in violence occurred under Council adopted UN the day after Aristide left, the Security On March I, 2004, , you say, cadavers. No one spared. Because other people, wake up in your bed, thank you Jesus. You sleep, you in the streets, in a car. You go out, you they leave their bed and disappear hair? I used to have long hair. fear. You enter, you are in fear. You see my are in lose hair. Stress!" This stress caused me to my the watch of UN peacekeeping troops. This rise in violence occurred under Council adopted UN the day after Aristide left, the Security On March I, 2004, --- Page 43 --- VENEREAL DISEASE VIOLENCE AND France called for authorizing a UN peacekeeping Resolution 1529, a proposal Canada, and Chile, called the force with troops from the United States, France, secured the interInterim Force. Immediately, foreign troops Multilateral the downtown financial district, and national airport, the free trade zone, center of the nation and seat of Channmas (Champs-de-Mars)," the symbolic NGOS' offices. Troops also international organizations, and some The force government, the international airport. patrolled the industrial park surrounding Aristide's private university bases in strategic locations. They took over set up and occupied the Casernes Dessalines-the near his home in Taba (Tabarre) adjacent to the National Palace. of the demobilized army, former headquarters force. A second UNF Resolution States took command of this temporary The United presence, called Mission des (1542) called for a more permanent peacekeeping to take over in June. Nations Unies pour la stabilisation en Haîti (MINUSTAH), renewed, MINUSTAH when its mandate was once again As of August 2009, officers from forty-seven countries, rising comprised 9,158 soldiers and police Echoing statements (United Nations 2011). to 12,651 following the earthquake President Chirac and UN on March 4, 2004, by French Jacques made public that Brazil would lead Secretary General Kofi Annan, Resolution 1542 specified mandate was to unit and Canada the civilian police. MINUSTAH's the military of security, paving the way for the interim government in its task providing help successful elections. it continued the U.S.-led forces' occuWhen MINUSTAH took over in June, factories and hotels, as it pation of buildings and makeshift camps-including to MINUSTAH than profitable for these parties to rent their space proved more welcomed Brazil, a Southern country led for business. Initially many to stay open known as stars of the world soccer stage. This by a workers' government and clear to many that Brazil was a proxy goodwill quickly evaporated as it became women's NGO employee Yvette the United States, serving its interests,a as the for hide their face. They send Brazilians, Argentines exclaims: "The Americans This common perception are hidden but they're in command!" carriers [the Americans] white armored personnel symbolically, as the ubiquitous was reinforced acronym "UN. " (In French, Spanish, and tanks were emblazoned with the English the acronym would be "NU" or "ONU.") or Portuguese, situation deteriorated over the Despite MINUSTAH's presence, the security to Reuters in their following Aristide's departure. According two-year period were killed during the four-month continuing coverage, some fifty people rebellion" that killed about eighty, period leading up to the three-week "armed Reuters reported that Aristide's forced resignation. On March 5, leading to cadavers in the General Hospital morgue, two there were eight hundred estimated to be vichundred of which the Pan American Health Organization 2004). One hospital, opened in late December tims of violence (Bachelet treated more than 2,500 victims of by the French NGO Doctors Without Borders, departure. According two-year period were killed during the four-month continuing coverage, some fifty people rebellion" that killed about eighty, period leading up to the three-week "armed Reuters reported that Aristide's forced resignation. On March 5, leading to cadavers in the General Hospital morgue, two there were eight hundred estimated to be vichundred of which the Pan American Health Organization 2004). One hospital, opened in late December tims of violence (Bachelet treated more than 2,500 victims of by the French NGO Doctors Without Borders, --- Page 44 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS thousand in violence during the first sixteen months of operation-one the gun alone (MSF 2006). A team of researchers estimated the first three months be thousand (Kolbe and of violent deaths from this period to eight number Hutson 2006).21 the interim period was scarred by kidnapping. In addition to violent deaths, escaped the National 2005, jailbreak in which 481 people After a February 19, Given the ineffective response of the Penitentiary, the kidnappings increased. spiraled out of control. Police and MINUSTAH, the situation quickly National missionaries, NGO employees, and even Journalists and foreigners-including During the months of April through French consular officials-were not spared. and journalist Jacques Roche was kidnapped July 2005, when the outspoken the number of kidnappings at six hunmurdered, the National Police estimated 2006). Kidnapping quickly of more than five per day (RNDDH dred, an average As noted above, Jonette fled the country became known as a lucrative business. killed. During the beginelse in her family was kidnapped or because everyone observers of the situation, people who drove new ning stages, according to keen were the likely targets-in automobiles or were being driven by a chauffeur after who looked like they had money. But especially other words, individuals break, no one was spared. Poor women the ineffectual response to the prison victims: "Myself, for me : they who lived in Sitesolèy, became like Monique, [Haitian?) dollars [about one U.S. dollar] in pulled a gun on me. Yes! 1Ihad eight And when they pulled the gun on hand. Eight dollars to feed my children. So my on me, only eight dollars. they me, I told them I didn't have anything I the five dollars and them five dollars I had on me. gave demanded that I give kept three!" who had been the victim of kidnapEveryone I talked with knew someone willingness to quickly negotikidnapping. Given kidnappers' ping or attempted were willing to go, the motivation behind ate ransom, and given how low they an NGO veteran, economic. Mme Auguste, this wave of kidnapping was clearly She asked him to about a boy of thirteen in her neighborhood. told me a story him ten goud?3 (a U.S. quarter). The bring down some coconuts for her, offering Why don't you give me "What can I do with the ten goud? boy rejected it, saying, asked, "What will you do with the gun?" a gun instead?" Recoiling, Mme Auguste I wouldn't have to climb the He said, "You don't have a gun. If I had a gun in the streets." > An tree for you for ten goud. I would look for money into coconut class of kidnappers was not "well integrated" NGO director argued that this because political and economic not knowing whom to target, Haitian society, unscathed,41 In addition, according to several elites remained for the most part suggesting involvement by secondhand accounts, the kidnappers spoke English, been born in of whom had never even seen Haiti, having U.S. deportees-some More than thirty deportees arrived per the United States to Haitian parents. of the Patriot Act in 2001.25 month in Port-au-Prince following the passage conut class of kidnappers was not "well integrated" NGO director argued that this because political and economic not knowing whom to target, Haitian society, unscathed,41 In addition, according to several elites remained for the most part suggesting involvement by secondhand accounts, the kidnappers spoke English, been born in of whom had never even seen Haiti, having U.S. deportees-some More than thirty deportees arrived per the United States to Haitian parents. of the Patriot Act in 2001.25 month in Port-au-Prince following the passage --- Page 45 --- VENEREAL DISEASE VIOLENCE AND the economic situation and the violence. Several commentators connected PotoMitan, worker, featured in the documentary According to Carlene, a factory from getting a good job, SO people "Inequality in the country prevents people That's why either big or small, anyfall into a series of things they shouldn't do. laid-off factory worker, become a thief." ' Carlene's colleague Beatrice, a one can being done out there? You think explains, "You see all the thefts or kidnapping people [ti pèp la] committing these acts? It's not. They put poor it's poor people la] are hungry. They get some money in visible places. The small people (tipèp And who dies? Poor people. hungry, SO they do it. to commit an act. They're There's a hidden hand." Several other But they're not the ones responsible. that inequality and miserya6 made this link explicit, arguing commentators concerned emphasis: the roots of the violence. The only disagreement are Against Violence, argued, Etienne, director of the National Campaign Yolette create violence, but misery and poverty "We won't say that misery and poverty violence." facilitate violence. In addition, inequalityi increases unavailable, women were the while "hard data" are As the stories highlight, other conflict/post-conflict targets of this violence, as is true in many of victims of primary a grassroots women's NGO situations. Malya Villard of KOFAVIV, falls and other victims, put it this way: "When one government violence helping People decide to target women's another takes power, many rapes happen. as one in three women reliable estimates, as many bodies." According to the most 2004). As I describe below, were the victims of violence (MCFDF in Potoprens to violence if they are in and like in many cultures, women are more susceptible connected with economic position. "Rape or violence are directly a vulnerable continued. "Sometimes a woman doesn't have the country's economy," Malya victim.' > Lisette offers a friend's story: earning power, which makes her a she any beats her, slaps her, and bites her. Fed up, "[Her husband] looks at her, the man at 2:00 P.M. Around finally goes to the police. The officers arrest don't tlet him out, my children 6:00 P.M. she comes and says, 'Commander, ifyou of survival in her own of So if she had some means are going to die hunger!" However, the man disfigured hands, she could have the guy stay in prison. analyses asked him to be let out. *27 These and many other poignant her and she (2003:350; 2004) argument that episodic I could have selected recall Farmer's violence. violence is a distal form and expression of structural Structural Violence violence" arose from the liberation theologian Johan The term "structural refined, and popularized by Paul Farmer. Galtung and was recently revived, Gernot Kôhler, have used the Other scholars, including the peace researcher (Eckhardt apartheid and other racialized inequalities concept to critique global feminist anthropologist Faye Harrison and Kohler 1980; Kohler 1978). The Black ) argument that episodic I could have selected recall Farmer's violence. violence is a distal form and expression of structural Structural Violence violence" arose from the liberation theologian Johan The term "structural refined, and popularized by Paul Farmer. Galtung and was recently revived, Gernot Kôhler, have used the Other scholars, including the peace researcher (Eckhardt apartheid and other racialized inequalities concept to critique global feminist anthropologist Faye Harrison and Kohler 1980; Kohler 1978). The Black --- Page 46 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS in her ethnographic writings about Jamaica (1997, 2002) engaged this concept Farmer (2004:317) defines at the hands of international development agencies. and economic order "the natural of a political structural violence as expression in its many differThis social web of exploitation, that seems as old as slavery. noose around forms, has long been global.' > It "tightens a physical ent historical determines the way in which resources- [its victims'] necks, and this garroting (315). Critically, affection--are allocated and experienced" food, medicine, even structural violence depends on its like most ideological systems and oppression, invisibility, the "erasure of historical memory" (307). connection between who works at Sove Lavi, points out the Yvette, violence: "If it wasn't in [the UN's] interest, they "episodic" and "structural" You come to my country. You take up could have brought about peace already. raised the prices for the goods where I used to live. You took it! You cost of my space affordable. You increased the high I buy that used to be more-or-less living here, in my home." the more visible acts of episodic As the women's istwa28 highlight SO far, economic situation during by a deterioration of the violence were accompanied the violence, this structural interim period. Unlike episodic Haiti's 2004-2006 alternative media sources, until April 2008 violence was barely noticed, even by Although the media finally paid when thousands of people took to the streets. riots" and "dirt cookies" Haiti was saddled with a new istwa: "food as attention, indexes of this economic crisis suddenly appeared in headlines. Three major the increase in the lower-income women were the loss of factory jobs, lived by housing costs. Each in turn had already high cost of living, and skyrocketing severe social consequences. plummeted in the interim period. According Factoryjobs, already diminished, of the approximately of Social Affairs and several NGO employees, to the Ministry in the fall of 2003 before the episodic violence, twenty thousand factory jobs remained mid-2005. The most estimated twelve to fourteen thousand only an this job loss is that factory owners and merchants powerful istwa explaining their investments from losses, thus to the violence by protecting were reacting and merchants also received substantial decapitalizing the country. But owners shelter, UN protection of their the interim period in the form of tax gains during their factories to house the UN troops. and money to rent empty in private property, lifted its quota on Chinese textiles Meanwhile, the World Trade Organization This decision negatively opening a huge new competing labor market. 2005, in the Americas, which have higher shipping, affected all garment factories counterparts that have set up costs than their Chinese labor, and other production economic policies explain Thus there is evidence that changing a one-stop-shop. (see Schuller [2008] for further discussion). the loss of jobs during this period announced that the largest indusIn March 2004 the interim government taxes for a three-year period. tries and merchants were exempt from paying on Chinese textiles Meanwhile, the World Trade Organization This decision negatively opening a huge new competing labor market. 2005, in the Americas, which have higher shipping, affected all garment factories counterparts that have set up costs than their Chinese labor, and other production economic policies explain Thus there is evidence that changing a one-stop-shop. (see Schuller [2008] for further discussion). the loss of jobs during this period announced that the largest indusIn March 2004 the interim government taxes for a three-year period. tries and merchants were exempt from paying --- Page 47 --- VENEREAL DISEASE VIOLENCE AND minister. 29 While the Gérard Latortue's first acts as interim prime It was among increased dramatically after 2003, the miniprices for basic goods and services effort in the summer of 2009, wage did not increase until a very organized mum vote in Parliament. A backdoor deal between which culminated in a unanimous President Préval lowered the and the UN, Bill Clinton, and the manufacturers did not speak up during the rate.30 When I asked workers why they several agreed-on and why the situation deteriorated SO much, 2004-20061 interim period, know they have the upper hand. They people told me the same thing: Owners and replace them with or all suspected union members, can fire everyone work for Haiti's low minimum wage. others eagerly awaiting the chance to When you have a union, "They don't want unions in Haiti. Yvette explained, because they fear unions. * Lisette's coworker they destroy it. They fire everyone know if they fire one person, refused to join a union because of this fear: "They to take her place." > people standing in line waiting they will find two hundred are behind you," " waiting for Many workers told me that "fifty thousand people leader Simone was more Factory worker and Fanm Têt Ansanm the same job. that the government shared a responsibility pointed in her critique, arguing when workers demand something, with the people: "If there was a government, would speak succeed. [Bosses] would hear us because the government we would They could help us. But I don't with them. They could raise the minimum wage. > This sentiment of not that it will change, because there's no government.' see common during the Latortue period. having a government was the ones. But even those These workers not laid off or fired were "lucky" 15-30 percent of the population, who worked in the formal sector (about with the substantial price found it difficult to cope depending on estimates) and oil during this period." In the hikes in staple goods like rice, corn, beans, mamit (coffee can) of neighborhood where I lived, a gwo mixed, middle-income goud32 at the beginning of 2004 ($2.00 Haitian rice used to sell for seventy-five hundred twenty-five goud the of 2005, it sold for one at the time). At beginning black beans used to sell for forty goud ($3.12). A ti mamit (soup can) of Haitian Prices were lower if bought in ($1.00), but it soon became sixty goud ($1.50). there are usually several quantities and closer to the port. While a small large with each person taking exchanges from the port to the neighborhood, for a tap-tap, the Haitian from which to live, including a few goud to pay distribprofit remarkably "efficient" in economic terms, informal market is normally and to as many and relatively cheaply, as far as possible uting goods quickly people as possible (Fass 1988). the interim period. Several merBut this market system collapsed during could not afford to buy closed shop because they chants in the neighborhood customers could not afford to buy what the higher-priced goods, their regular On several to risk travel to obtain merchandise. they sold, or it was too dangerous busy market in my neighborhood occasions-for weeks at a time-the normally distribprofit remarkably "efficient" in economic terms, informal market is normally and to as many and relatively cheaply, as far as possible uting goods quickly people as possible (Fass 1988). the interim period. Several merBut this market system collapsed during could not afford to buy closed shop because they chants in the neighborhood customers could not afford to buy what the higher-priced goods, their regular On several to risk travel to obtain merchandise. they sold, or it was too dangerous busy market in my neighborhood occasions-for weeks at a time-the normally --- Page 48 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS was emptied of half the normal merchants. reprimanded One in particular, me, saying, "I haven't seen you" Junia-who always a day-closed up shop for whenever it had been longer than many in this class good in 2005. Operating on the of who normally barely eked out margins society, levels during the coup/Latortue a living fell below starvation malnutrition. period. Three neighborhood children died Beatrice, a factory worker, said, "The from country is that you can't buy thing that destroys the is anything. This lavi chè a cost killing us in Haiti." Lisette was frustrated [high of living], Mark, high cost of living go up for the at government inaction: "Did the ing and the government government? Because the people, we are sufferIn doesn't, they act like the cost of part, rising fuel costs explained living hasn't gone up." goods. In January increasing prices for primary 2003 the IMF forced the Aristide subsistence ing the cost of fuel, and this government to stop subsidizcrippled the little profit margin. In addition system, operating as it was with very feurs, this action increased to triggering protests and strikes from chaufa single route shot prices for transport. Prices for a tap-tap ride up from three to five goud at that within kous ("course," equivalent to a route) for time,33 The fare for one to fifteen goud. shared taxis also doubled, from During the 2004-2006 crisis, fares seven as ten goud for a tap-tap and increased twice, to as much workers twenty-five goud for a taxi. Lisette earning the stagnant seventy, goud ($1.75) pointed out that ting anywhere: "Ify you buy a plate of food for minimum wage were not geta tap-tap to get to work, ten fifty goud, and you payi ten goud for Several goud to return that is all people cited a Haitian your seventy goud." atè" (Washing proverb to explain this situation: "Lave your hands, only to wipe them on the men, siye In addition to the rise in prices for ground). period, housing costs staple goods and transport during this skyrocketed almost hoods most impacted by violence, everywhere (except for the neighborgested, the such as Bèlè and Sitesolèy). As Yvette presence of many foreign troops suggenerally, the rise in housing played a role in this, but more and demand costs resulted from the under extreme duress. capitalist logic of supply house for 300, 250, nowit's, Carlene said, "You used to be able to rent a following Aristide's 1,600, 3,000, 4,000 for a year. "34 In the twelve months departure, many rents doubled in borhood, forcing several my mixed-income neighwhich people to relocate to were slowly vacated as the violence neighborhoods such as Bèlè, tory workers also reported that their increased. Several NGO staff and facshot rent in other relatively upt by as much as 150 to 250 percent. 35 Several safe neighborhoods rents are artificially inflated in the people have pointed out that foreign NGOS and country because of the constant presence of manifestation governmental institutions since the 1991 of the NGOization of Haitian coup, a concrete that NGOS have expense society (Louis-Juste 2007). Knowing offer inflated accounts and have to spend their rents to NGO offices and money, landlords foreign NGOS to pay $2,500 for employees. It was not uncommon for a housing allowance following the earthquake. 35 Several safe neighborhoods rents are artificially inflated in the people have pointed out that foreign NGOS and country because of the constant presence of manifestation governmental institutions since the 1991 of the NGOization of Haitian coup, a concrete that NGOS have expense society (Louis-Juste 2007). Knowing offer inflated accounts and have to spend their rents to NGO offices and money, landlords foreign NGOS to pay $2,500 for employees. It was not uncommon for a housing allowance following the earthquake. --- Page 49 --- VENEREAL DISEASE VIOLENCE AND classes that I talked to owned their homes; they Only two people from the lower Several friends shantytowns within Sitesolèy. both lived in violence-prone because their housing costs moved into these areas during the interim period economic inequality another instance of poverty and became too expensive, "People who could a role in the rise in violence. As Carlene explained, but playing remain have no choice. It wasn't good, already left. We who leave [Sitesolèyl now things are really bad.' 99 correlation between the complex The above stories suggest a direct increases benefited a small crisis and rising housing costs. These bad because sociopolitical that her conditions were of landowners. Beatrice explained have group "built this house to make money." Some commentators her landlord unencumbered by legislation, as being praised Haiti's.informal housing market, in the world (deSoto 2000:183). the most effective, efficient, and fair one of reveals that the vast majority of people A closer ethnographic look, however, street merchant, day laborer) of a certain class (e.g., janitor, factory worker, cinderblock, patched-tin-roof dirt-floor, do not own even their eight-foot-square, Ispoke with in these economic 95 percent of the people houses. Approximately of land, on which they are responsible for brackets rented their house or patch landlords originated While it might be true that some building a structure36 on land before the massimilar class, being lucky enough to squat empty from a most of the land in Potoprens is controlled sive urban migration in the 1980s,37 whom, like my own landlord, live people, some of by middle- or upper-income outside Haiti. lavi chè a, have health conseStructural violence generally, and particularly There are only two which are felt more severely by women. quences as well, number is lower outside Potoprens. doctors per ten thousand people, and that to health care. Those in practice that few people have regular access This means who is to charge for his often have to walk hours to see a doctor, required who do structural adjustment programs). Most or her services (since the mid-1990S medical pre- or postnatal women-three in four-do not have access to trained far too many Health Organization 2009). As a result, care as a result (World live births. Also, 80 in 1,000, or women die in childbirth: 670 out of 100,000 the of five. The first in twelve, children die before they reach age roughly one me the significance of this staexperience I had as a houseguest in Haiti taught chided me for being "too (the Kreyôl spelling of Johnny), my host, tistic. Djoni official first names. A peasant cooperative formal" because I used his and others' least those with a birth Djoni explained that everyone--at leader in Tèryewouj, survival is far from certain, surcertificate-has an official name.38 But because schoolteachers and children are given a nickname. Most people, except that this is viving their nickname. Djoni also explained to me pastors, refer to people by life is traditionally his or her the first big ceremony in a Catholic person's why himself died of meningitis in 2008. He was thirty-two. first communion.39 Djoni his and others' least those with a birth Djoni explained that everyone--at leader in Tèryewouj, survival is far from certain, surcertificate-has an official name.38 But because schoolteachers and children are given a nickname. Most people, except that this is viving their nickname. Djoni also explained to me pastors, refer to people by life is traditionally his or her the first big ceremony in a Catholic person's why himself died of meningitis in 2008. He was thirty-two. first communion.39 Djoni --- Page 50 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS Child mortality rates in Haiti also exacerbate the tradition of valuing boys over girls. Edwidge Danticat (1994:146) beautifully illustrates the simplicity of birth in Haiti, and the tradition of placing a higher value on boys: Tante Atie did not come home for supper. My grandmother and I ate in the yard, while Brigitte slept in a blanket in my arms. My grandmother was watching a light move between two distant points on the hill. "Do you see that light moving yonder?" she asked, pointing to the traveling lantern. "Do you know why it goes to and fro like that?" She was concentrating on the shift, her pupils traveling with each movement. "It is a baby," she said, "A baby is being born. The midwife is taking trips from the shack to the yard where the pot is boiling. Soon we will know whether it is a boy or a girl." "How will we know that?" "If it's a boy, the lantern will be put outside the shack. If there is a man, he will stay awake all night with the new child." "What if it is a girl?" "If it is a girl, the midwife will cut the child's cord and go home. Only the mother will be left in the darkness to hold her child. There will be no lamps, no candles, no more light." We waited. The light went out in the house about an hour later. By that time, my grandmother had dozed off. Another little girl had come into the world. As Danticat's narrative illustrates, gender inequality begins at birth. Gender and Structural Violence A former factory worker and leader within Fanm Tèt Ansanm, Simone highlights the multiple issues this chapter has discussed thus far: episodic violence, in this case perpetrated by the paramilitary group FRAPH, as well as structural violence: I lived in a family for fourteen years without my dad. My father hadn't lived with my mom since I was a baby. So my mother did everything for me. She sent me to school. In 1994 I couldn't go to school anymore because [FRAPH agents] came inside my mother's house, they raped me, they beat me badly, and theyk killed my grandmother. Then they threw my mother and me out. You know that my father didn't live with my mother. Sometimes my mother yelled at me when she didn't have money. But she worked dirty jobs, in the factory, to raise me. When I became a young woman, hadn't lived with my mom since I was a baby. So my mother did everything for me. She sent me to school. In 1994 I couldn't go to school anymore because [FRAPH agents] came inside my mother's house, they raped me, they beat me badly, and theyk killed my grandmother. Then they threw my mother and me out. You know that my father didn't live with my mother. Sometimes my mother yelled at me when she didn't have money. But she worked dirty jobs, in the factory, to raise me. When I became a young woman, --- Page 51 --- VENEREAL DISEASE VIOLENCE AND because they beat my skull, but I could still sew. I couldn't go to school I wasn't an ugly girl. When I got I found a guy who loved me because mother knew he said it wasn't his, despite the fact that my child, pregnant, like that: when I had the first about him. I gave him two children supporting me. out, but nine months later, he stopped he started helping his. I told him that I wouldn't see him anyHe said that the child wasn't him this must So he told my mother that if I don't see anymore, more. isn't his. And after he promised he would help mean that the child truly with his second child. raise his child, I consented to becoming pregnant child, he beat me even When I became pregnant with the second I had two do anything. So he just up and left. Remember though I didn't Ihad to work in the factory. I worked hard, children. For them to survive the for 210-220 but I didn't earn much money. I worked in factory month, goud, around $70 at the timel per "Haitian dollars" [1,050-1,100 in the factory I found someone who and I had two kids. While working for home. While and he told me he'd help me out and pay my loved me, with his [my third] child. He said he I was with him I became pregnant and this person too said that didn't want a child and I had the child, it wasn't his. is now I have three children, and What's more, what destroys me other job. So I am forced to Ihave no one to help me out. I don't have any because I know I today, tomorrow in another factory, work in one factory is I work but I can't to make money. All I know sewing. am never going because I never have anything left over even open a savings account, because I only made it to middle in my hands. I can't get a better job school. because her story brings the question of gender I cite Simone here at length because gender operates alongside to the fore. Simone was particularly at risk vulnerability to various violence, extreme poverty, and inequality to intensify head as Simone held her up high and matter-of-fact, forms of violence. Dry-eyed school her women's organization runs. she retold her istwa in the volunteer like other very poor women brave and articulate, Simone is many classExceptionally deliberately underdeveloped, foreign-occupied, in a resource-starved, like Haiti. divided, male-dominated society to be mitan, a term literally in Haiti declares women poto An expression religious spaces (N'Zengoutranslated as "center posts," referring to traditional of both the episodic and pillars of society, women bear the brunt Tayo 1998).As of countries. As Faye Harrison structural violence, in Haiti as in the vast majority Neoliberal globstructural violence is gendered. (1997) and others have argued, Women are often targeted increases burdens on women in several ways. alization 1998; Enloe 2000)-in part because for low-wage work (Chatterjee 2008; Cravey An expression religious spaces (N'Zengoutranslated as "center posts," referring to traditional of both the episodic and pillars of society, women bear the brunt Tayo 1998).As of countries. As Faye Harrison structural violence, in Haiti as in the vast majority Neoliberal globstructural violence is gendered. (1997) and others have argued, Women are often targeted increases burdens on women in several ways. alization 1998; Enloe 2000)-in part because for low-wage work (Chatterjee 2008; Cravey --- Page 52 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS that sees women as more submissive of patriarchal norms and the ideology because women's tra1992; Churchill 2004; Mills 2003), (Beneria and Feldman trade unions (Hewamanne 2006; ditional caregiving role precludes organizing of older gender ideologies Mendez 2002), or because of recitations Kim 1997; why women are particularly well suited that seek to explain of "nimble fingers" 2008; Nash and Fernândez-Kelly 1983; to textile factories (Gunewardena that while it was problematic, with Transnational feminists argued Tiano 1994). MacKinnon 1989), the social welfare state implicit male biases (Brown 1992; services that benefited of legal protection and social provided a modicum (Antrobus 2004; Mohanty 2003). women and other marginalized populations especiallyt through model erodes these protections, The shift toward a neoliberal Lind 2000; Moghadam 2005). structural adjustment programs (Bergeron 2001; burden for social reproducof public services, placing greater The privatization felt by women because of their tion onto individual families, is more greatly (Ellis 2003; Gladwin 1991). traditional role as family caregivers economic inequality and desperIn Haiti, gender inequality is grafted onto "feminization of poverty" of what scholars have termed the ation, an example Lassègue, founder of the (Brenner 2000; McLanahan et al. 1989). Marie-Josslyn condition and rights at the feminist NGO Fanm Yo La and minister of women's "There is also a feminizainterview, underscored this analysis: time of our 2007 are women. Many people live in most unemployed tion of unemployment: 1 Edele, a self-described "humanistpoverty, and most of them are women." theorizes women's condition feminist activist" who works at Fanm Têt Ansanm, n "There is no that women are "double victims.' She argues, in this vein, saying does not work for anyone in the justice in the country. The justice apparatus always pay more. I mean, country. A poor woman becomes poorer: women victims of the situation." Therefore, women are double everyone is a victim. Women's Life Is Not Pretty": A Life of Inequality leader with Fanm Têt Ansanm. "Women's life is not pretty, 2 began Elizabeth, a inequality from Danticat quoted above reminds us, gender As the passage around a life cycle of how at birth. The following section is organized radicalbegins her istwa highlighting her own gender is made manifest. Edele began for girls and games rebellion against gender norms: "There are games ism, her sports to be done outside. But for boys. The games for boys were active, physical, inside and taught us to be to play kept us for girls, the games we were supposed in my own be " I witnessed a similar phenomenon subservient, to nurturing." home from one or the other of the NGO neighborhood. When I would arrive much violence during the day, offices, if it wasn't raining and if there wasn't too street. Only of soccer on the steep, potholed I would usually pass a pickup game was rare). Where were woman ever played (and even her appearance one young The games for boys were active, physical, inside and taught us to be to play kept us for girls, the games we were supposed in my own be " I witnessed a similar phenomenon subservient, to nurturing." home from one or the other of the NGO neighborhood. When I would arrive much violence during the day, offices, if it wasn't raining and if there wasn't too street. Only of soccer on the steep, potholed I would usually pass a pickup game was rare). Where were woman ever played (and even her appearance one young --- Page 53 --- VENEREAL DISEASE VIOLENCE AND had cement roofs, or (as was the case in my largely the girls? Inside houses that structures in the bit of space reserved for between middle-class neighborhood) Caribbean sun and the tropical winds. During drying clothes in the heat of the handmade with paper Lent, children have a tradition of flying kites, mostly this to me as a shopping bags. A couple of people explained scraps or plastic and spirits to the sky, to fly free. But hopeful sign, children raising their hopes boy's kite string universally shared. One time, a neighbor this freedom is not than untangle it himself, his younger was snagged on the clothesline. Rather it for him while continuing to sister, who was hanging the wash, untangled that her place This girl learned at an early age hang up the clothes. neighbor brother could play. 40 was at home, doing work, SO that her between boys and manifestation of this inequality in treatment A concrete In turn, this educational discriminagirls is unequal access to formal schooling. life. In Haiti, 29 perof discrimination later in a woman's tion shapes other types have not had any formal education, cent of women aged fifteen to forty-nine The latest reported of men (Cayemittes et al. 2001:15). compared to 15 percent with girls not matriculating at the statistic shows that this inequalityis growing, of sixth graders, and women constitute about 40 percent same rate as boys: girls of science students at the public of philo (seniors), and IO percent 33 percent for USAID estimates that only peruniversity (Anglade 1995: 62, 68). A report women (Adams et al. students finishing high school are young cent of the leader and recipient of Sove Lavi 1998:1). Danielle, a peasants' organization of sending her mother, explains the difficulties services, who is also a single I don't know how, with what children to school: "When school begins again, I am their mother. to school. I don't sleep at night. means, my children are going of children? If I don't get father. With what money can I take care my I am their influence on my daughter. It is all up to me, act together, I will become a bad my alone, to do all I can to send her to school." 9) education to be a Constitution (in section 32) declares While the Haitian falls short, with an estimated five hundred basic human right, daily practice education, and only 35 percent of thousand children without access to basic Danielle's (Interim Government of Haiti 2004:33). children finishing fifth grade the fact that education is not free. preoccupation with education derives from send a child to school costs at In fact, it is her largest expense. In pôtoprens, to and these are lekol bolêtthe very least a quarter of a factory worker's salary, chances. The high cost of "lottery schools," " in other words, take your literally gender education-combined with poverty and income inequality-cxacerbates) because of the can afford to send only one child to school inequality. If parents gender ideology, and only expense, this poverty pressures an already-unequal the worker and Fanm is sent to school (Adams et al. 1998:3). As factory the boy underscores, "Poverty is linked with discriminaTêt Ansanm leader Marquise push the boys farther in have girls and boys, they tion because if the parents , take your literally gender education-combined with poverty and income inequality-cxacerbates) because of the can afford to send only one child to school inequality. If parents gender ideology, and only expense, this poverty pressures an already-unequal the worker and Fanm is sent to school (Adams et al. 1998:3). As factory the boy underscores, "Poverty is linked with discriminaTêt Ansanm leader Marquise push the boys farther in have girls and boys, they tion because if the parents --- Page 54 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS and father had eight children. And when I got school than the girls. My mother for me to continue in school. father said that he couldn't pay to third grade my the others, SO they could go to school" (also Instead I had to work to help raise quoted in Bergan and Schuller 2009). access to jobs, which spells educational discrimination in turn shapes This Women contribute 70 percent of economic discrimination against women. of the goods (MCFDF 2004). the national economy but receive only 38 percent is comin the economy, mostly as micro-entrepreneurs Women's participation active in the marketplace, as comparatively high, with 54 percent of women and the "developed the "less developed country" average (23 percent) pared to Nations Comité Inter-agences Femmes et country"average (27 percent) (United in other 1992).4 However, as export-processing Développment and Anglade (Churchill 2004; Collins 2003), such as the maquiladoras in Mexico zones factory jobs, constituting between 70 in low-paying women are overrepresented According to a director at the Ministry and 80 percent of the frontline workers. close to the same perAffairs and Labor, interviewed in April 2005, of Social Minister Lassègue had the folpositions are held by men. centage of supervisory country. So she "Women know that they are in an unemployed lowing analysis: her job. If she loses it, many people can replace does everything she can to keep >9 when decisions are made they take men as supervisors." her. However, by, economic exploitation, as shapes, and is structured Gender inequality and therefore easier to control, than women workers are seen as more docile, the same strata of workers, (Sassen 1998). Even within their male counterparts as the NGO educator women earn less than their male counterparts, Haitian work as the men. The man does not have Jacqueline explains: "You do the same make people aware that more than you. You see? And you the right to get paid could be a holdover from traditional male it's a question of sex." This inequality expression ideologies in Haiti's peasant economy, as Danielle's "breadwinner" underscores. In the agricultural sector, "I am the father, I am the mother" 1995:82). This of men's salaries (Anglade women are paid 60 to 75 percent Lassègue reports: "In the true across the economy, as Minister is generally service workers are women. And you go banks, you can see that all the frontline You look in the hospital, level and the majority of them are men. to a higher the nurses, they're women, and the doctors, and it's the same thing. You look at they're men." of games and social roles in childhood, As prefigured by the gendering in the lowest-paid Women are overrepresented work is also gender segregated. workforce) while vastly underrepresented informal sector (77 percent of the total sector (4 percent) private sector (II percent) and public in the professional sector jobs are as timachann. This asso- (Anglade 1995:80). The bulk of informal that USAID counts all of women with small commerce is SO powerful ciation according to a 2004 interview micro-credit programs as assistance to women, social roles in childhood, As prefigured by the gendering in the lowest-paid Women are overrepresented work is also gender segregated. workforce) while vastly underrepresented informal sector (77 percent of the total sector (4 percent) private sector (II percent) and public in the professional sector jobs are as timachann. This asso- (Anglade 1995:80). The bulk of informal that USAID counts all of women with small commerce is SO powerful ciation according to a 2004 interview micro-credit programs as assistance to women, --- Page 55 --- VENEREAL DISEASE VIOLENCE AND items on the street, howdirector. The most expensive with a USAID program sold men.42 Domestic labor, or electronics, are by ever, such as auto parts work" (Lamphere is traditionally seen as "women's centering on reproduction, traditional equation of women with 1993; Sacks 1975; Strathern 1985). This mitan of the family. reinforces the role of women as the poto reproduction women formally employed women's traditional role in the household, Given home 1989), as the laid-off laborers work a "second shift" at (Hochschild as wage "Who does the paid work? Who does the factory worker Elizabeth argues: It's true, men have their role, housework, huh? We women, we are everything. for the children's the bigger role. Long ago men used to pay but women play shoulders. Women pay the consequence." school, but now it's on women's sector, by the feminization of the export-processing This is exacerbated working in low-paying wage-labor jobs, where women are disproportionally as Monique tells: at 4:00, 4:30 or sO. I get water because I don't Whoo. My workday?Iget up water to clean house and cook for my have a faucet where I live. I use the here (to the office), the work in the house before I come children. I finish home and buy what food I need, and now I work here all day. Then I go very dark. clean, and I get the kids to bed, and then it's very, I cook, I but this is how the country Women work more than men. It's unjust, functions. It was custom in the country. is also exacerbated by the fact that many This second-shift phenomenon mother and the father" (Clarke 1957). women are heads of household, "the Condition and Rights, by the Ministry of Women's According to a presentation headed by single women (see also of Pôtoprens households are the cul59 percent reasons for this, among them Cayemittes et al. 2001). There are many widespread cultural pracof maternity and the unfortunately tural importance paternity (Maternowska 2006). or unrecognized tice of san papa-unknown of Haiti for seasonal labor, especially to Men are also more likely to migrate out plantations) (Simmons 2010). the Dominican Republic in the batèy (sugarcane difficult work on the why women would endure more This in part explains factoryline. coworker Martha, understand this secondSome women, like Monique's economic crisis. Martha's shift situation to be aggravated by the contemporary in the around the house, > but "since the crisis husband "does a little work for work, but no one has any jobs to country, he can't find work. He goes looking well-paying husband became an auto mechanic, a relatively give him.' " Martha's formal education. But as a job in the inforand high-status job for a man with no to Martha, the result mal sector, it is vulnerable to vast fluctuation. According And I do most of the for our house. Our whole family. is that "I alone provide was diabetic, and had a work in the house.' > Martha, like many poor people, little work for work, but no one has any jobs to country, he can't find work. He goes looking well-paying husband became an auto mechanic, a relatively give him.' " Martha's formal education. But as a job in the inforand high-status job for a man with no to Martha, the result mal sector, it is vulnerable to vast fluctuation. According And I do most of the for our house. Our whole family. is that "I alone provide was diabetic, and had a work in the house.' > Martha, like many poor people, --- Page 56 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS December 2005 she became blind and unable to limited health care budget. In of to get to work. potholed, trash-strewn streets Pôtoprens travel the slippery, sometime in late 2008. She died between two of my visits, Intersectionality either/or understandings of race, These women's stories challenge simplistic, is foundational; None of these systems of inequalityi gender, class, or nationality. within both the world sysoperating with inequalities gender is simultaneously demands an "intersectional" analysis tem and Haiti itself. This complex situation interrelated (Chinchilla 1992; how these social constructs are that understands Davis 1983). These women's own intersectional Collins 2000; Crenshaw 2001; their identification with analyses-without using this terminoloo-compieate and-given as middle class, foreign, "feminism,' >) understood by many sectors and therefore recipients of members of the NGO class that "feminists" are all 2006). Most women who do aid-even imperialist (Davis 2003; Nagar foreign either critical of foreign imperialism or they priorinot identify as feminist are staff identifies herself issues. Mme Laurent, an NGO person, tize working-class [but] the principal problem albeit conditionally: "I am a feminist, as a feminist, men's), is what rights do the poor majority I pose before women's rights (or economic changes are needed have?" Mme Laurent argued that radical Ipèp la] particularly given the extreme structural to begin to address women's conditions, "First, you need to start improving violence discussed earlier in this chapter: find a situation to economic conditions. Only then can women the people's When there is work, she can improve her conditions: equal work, equal pay. even do that because things like this. But today, she can't demand her rights, Mme Laurent and others are critithere's no work. > For these and other reasons, tend to attract a middle-class feminist organizations, which cal of self-described formal political rights; these skeptical constituency and focus primarily on those with a broader agenda women work instead for "women's organizations." forms of inequality theintersectionalitye of multiple that implicitly acknowledges 2002; Corcoran-Nantes Haitian women's conditions (Coomaraswamy shaping 2000; Hrycak 2002). leaders recoil at the self-definition of Why do the NGO staff and volunteer feminism's who support feminist? Unlike suburban college undergraduates from a successful cultenets but harbor negative stereotypes resulting the major those from poor backlash (Faludi 1991), women in Haiti-particularly tural critiques. As both women of color in majority-have other, more fundamental the term "feminist" States and "third world feminists" have argued, the United universal sign of "woman" that is culturpresupposes and reinforces a single, and universalizing contingent, privileging ally, historically, and sociologically "Western" women. Radical Chicana the experiences of white, middle-class, enets but harbor negative stereotypes resulting the major those from poor backlash (Faludi 1991), women in Haiti-particularly tural critiques. As both women of color in majority-have other, more fundamental the term "feminist" States and "third world feminists" have argued, the United universal sign of "woman" that is culturpresupposes and reinforces a single, and universalizing contingent, privileging ally, historically, and sociologically "Western" women. Radical Chicana the experiences of white, middle-class, --- Page 57 --- AND VENEREAL DISEASE VIOLENCE Cherrie Moraga, and Gloria Anzaldua often feminists such as Chela Sandoval, their experiences in a struggle in the place of translating found themselves and Anzaldua 1983). Universalizing (Sandoval 2000; Moraga for over authenticity reverses the locus of oppression middle-class white women's experiences woman of the second wave of Black women: whereas for a middle-class white she faced oppression, liberation because home was where feminism, work was and in the factories), always had to work (in the fields, as nannies, Black women (Collins 2000; Young 1997). Further, SO home was the only place for respite contribute to the negaDavis (1983) argued that white feminists actively of Angela Valerie Smith (1990) wrote about the problem tive stereotypes of Black men. often forced to choose between affinities" wherein women of color are "split and Black men. Mme Laurent voiced this critique allegiance to white feminists choose between sisterhood with women of Haiti's pèp la, forced to for many with their husbands, fathers, and sons and middle-class women and solidarity included self-named feminist their class. The mobilization against Aristide student activists over in visible places; they compete with college organizations which group first called for Aristide's ouster. neocolonial is magnified in a transnational, This politics of representation the authority to speak for marSpivak (1988) asked, who has context. As Gayatri Other third world feminists, ginalized people, or can they speak for themselves? feminism as missing Chandra Mohanty (1988), have critiqued "Western" like and therefore not being context of colonialism and imperialism, the important Others have in the global South in their multiple struggles. useful for women of liberal, individual civil liberties critiqued Western feminism's privileging 1996). Still others are skeptical collective rights (Coomaraswamy: 2002; Jolly over for imperialist intervention about the strategic use of feminism as justification outrage over "the veil" Jayawardena 1994), exemplified by-Western" (Afary 1997; This concern of feminism privito the U.S. invasion of Afghanistan. as prelude worldview and liberalism being imperialist is leging a Western Enlightenment In Haiti, all the self-described underscored by the funding of feminist groups. from Canada and accepted official bilateral aid, mostly feminist organizations States. All of them were vocal members of France but even from the United of 184. one of them a member of the Group Aristide's opposition, feminism, women's organizations Despite the differences in opinion over Haitian women reversed history of engagement in Haiti. In 1820, have a long husband's custody, a holdover from French women's status as minors under their advocating for this change colonial rule (Racine 1995:8). The women's movement before U.S. troops pulled out Seneca Falls by a generation. In 1934, just founded predated occupation, a group of professional women from their nineteen-year the Ligue Féminine d'Action Sociale, Haiti's first formal women's organization, a role in the troops' eventual protested the occupation and played who publicly 1998; Racine 1995). Women played visible departure (Charles 1995; NZengou-Tayo: for this change colonial rule (Racine 1995:8). The women's movement before U.S. troops pulled out Seneca Falls by a generation. In 1934, just founded predated occupation, a group of professional women from their nineteen-year the Ligue Féminine d'Action Sociale, Haiti's first formal women's organization, a role in the troops' eventual protested the occupation and played who publicly 1998; Racine 1995). Women played visible departure (Charles 1995; NZengou-Tayo: --- Page 58 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS movement in the 1980s, including in the leadership roles in the democratic eventual downfall. Shortly after November 1985 protest that sparked Duvalier's women marched in the on April 3, 1986, a group off thirtyt thousand his departure, demonstrations of the period. As scholstreets of Pôtoprens, among the largest have argued, women's popular Benoit 1995; Charles 1995; Racine 1995) ars (e.g., women, peasants, and timachann-have onaniationse-ompganisine working-class and economic transformation democratization, had a dual focus on citizenship, in civic life, representation. and on the one hand, and on women's participation the other. Women played cultural roles and stereotypes on change in traditional that Aristide launched his campaign such a central role in the popular movement market in a low-income Mache Solomon, an open-air in a gendered space-the many political parties formed Pôtoprens neighborhood (Racine 1995:11)-and (Benoit 1995:27). Also owing to women's groups to attract women to their cause violence, became the targets for gendered their centrality, women increasingly d'état, as Simone's istwa highlights particularly during the 1991-1994 coup (Bell 2001; Racine 1999). of women's NGOS has encourThis divergence in feminist understandings the vast array of schema aimed at understanding aged several classificatory their practice and funding. these NGOS and the gender paradigm structuring discourse on gender follow- (1970) triggered a sustained critical Esther Boserup development. A second wave of feminism ing a popular critique of mainstream Women in Development (WID), specifin the North successfully brought about and demanding genderically targeting women for development programs including Caribbean feminists and networks, disaggregated data. Transnational just an "add Antrobus, critiqued WID as representing leaders such as Peggy Moghadam 2005; Mohanty 2003) women and stir" approach (Antrobus 2004; Maxine Molyneux (1985) and while gender inequality remains unchallenged. interests" needed to be addressed others argued that women's "strategic gender argued interests. These feminist organizations in addition to their "practical" address gender as a category interventions should specifically that development leading to a Gender and Development of analysis and system of inequality, approach. HIV/AIDS intersectional analysis to understand how With all the istwa giving us an violence, global and local inequalities interact with structural long-term gender and poverty, we can begin to of exclusion, as well as income inequality Susser systems become feminized (Farmer et al. 1996; 2009). see how HIV/AIDS has also women five to two, men infected with the virus outnumbered In the early 1990S, numbers of men and women living with HIV but in 2004 there were equal related: violence, coups d'état, 2007). Why is that? All of these are (UNAIDS violence, global and local inequalities interact with structural long-term gender and poverty, we can begin to of exclusion, as well as income inequality Susser systems become feminized (Farmer et al. 1996; 2009). see how HIV/AIDS has also women five to two, men infected with the virus outnumbered In the early 1990S, numbers of men and women living with HIV but in 2004 there were equal related: violence, coups d'état, 2007). Why is that? All of these are (UNAIDS --- Page 59 --- VENEREAL DISEASE VIOLENCE AND and gender (Farmer 1992; Farmer et al. inequality, poverty, underdevelopment. 1996). The Sove Lavi volunteer Gabrielle explains: father died when I was eight years old. He left six Okay. My life story. My couldn't meet the needs of all children in my mother's hands. My mother money. My own, because she didn't have enough of us children on her make ends meet by working family members who lived andeyo couldn't feed our children or make a living. the land. We couldn't to look for a job So the children split up. Four went to Pôtoprens seventeen, My mother left. I came to Pôtoprens when Iwas (chèche lavi). for work. I found a job to care for my eighteen years old. I came looking father tried to send his mother was becoming old. My family because my there before he died, but we children to school, and he was almost couldn't. worked. Because my level of education wasn't Now, when I came here, I All the same, I worked understand, very high, I had few options. really, you I knew, and gave it to my work. with all my kindness, with everything I was still looking for I became pregnant. When I turned twenty-four, because I always felt I was by myself. someone who could help me out this? I had to find isolated. My mother's health, how can Is say Lalways felt with her medical care. Do you someone who could help me, to help a doctor. In the So I went to see understand? So I became pregnant. there, they told me they center, I went to the doctor, and when I got were going to give me a test. found out the results. And I finished taking the test, but I never having section because I was But after I gave birth-I had a Caesarian month old, I went to then afterward, when the child was a difficulty-and this time, I also asked for the results of the tests the doctor with him. But they gave me. They told me, you are positive. details the multiple axes of inequality and Like Simone's istwa, Gabrielle class, and Haiti's lack of oppression, how gender intersects with poverty, structural violence, of oppression, the gendered resources. The intersectionalitye and contracting HIV/AIDS, undercontribute to vulnerability to violence in turn work of both NGOS profiled in this book. These lining the importance of the address these multiple inequalities and other women's NGOS are attempting to do and how successful of HIV/AIDS. How they sO, that contribute to the spread they are, is the subject of the rest of this book. dead, even as Haiti made As noted in the introduction, Gabrielle is now such HIV/AIDS. Why this is-and how to prevent significant progress against in the chapters that follow. to others-will be answered deaths from happening NGOS themselves and the relationships To begin, we need to understand the focus of the next chapter. they build with people "on the ground," the --- Page 60 --- "That's Not Participation!" Relationships from "Below" Tor me, what Sove Lavi does can't be participation. For frank we would need to have common interests. participation, -Maxime, community leader for Sove Lavi Sundny June 27, 2004, 7:39 P.M. We finally reached our summit, this little to have a forest of pine town, high enough in the mountains among the more tropical just let out. About forty Or mango trees. A church service SO people were was chilly by Haitian standards, with already waiting, milling about. s from "Below" Tor me, what Sove Lavi does can't be participation. For frank we would need to have common interests. participation, -Maxime, community leader for Sove Lavi Sundny June 27, 2004, 7:39 P.M. We finally reached our summit, this little to have a forest of pine town, high enough in the mountains among the more tropical just let out. About forty Or mango trees. A church service SO people were was chilly by Haitian standards, with already waiting, milling about. It me-down sweaters. We several peasant leaders wearing torn handthe event. were over an hour late from of the official start time for Across the dirt road from the church, national school, four cinderblock completely dwarfed by it, was the for many rooms with a tin roof. The team people, SO we had to get the benches from planned church and set them outside. Of both the school and the course, the first thing that hang up two big signs, one of which read had to happen was had on their Kanaval (Carnival) "Welcome Sove Lavi," which the NGO "Sove Lavi is involved stand. The other one was quite striking, in the struggle against AIDS, And reading Iwas SO moved byi it that I you?" It felt accusatory. nalist snapped a photo, much to the of contractor for Sove Lavi who publicly delight Lolo, a jourof Haiti. harbors ambitions to be president With many strong hands present and already school/church benches waiting, getting the wooden too arranged was not such a big deal, many chiefs trying to direct. except that there were Notably, all the staff were orders, one from inside an air-conditioned sitting down, barking things down where I was told, SUV. I was happy to just lift and but the peasant leaders put calling me dirèkte (director). kept deferring to me, It took about twenty minutes to set for people who had waited for everything up. After that, it took a while us to actually arrive to show up. The meeting --- Page 61 --- 43 3 "THAT'S NOT PARTICIPATIONI The benches were arranged in a at least until the rain started. was outdoors, that made a natural amphitheater. Everyone semicircle, and there was a hill could see the action. that more than two hundred people The seats became full. I would guess sign. The rasanand women. That was actually a very good attended, both men featuring the lyrics, "We're began with a song, "Rasanble," blaman (meeting) Assemble.' > Then another song about the waiting for you. Sit down. Assemble. ' There was lyrics like "We're working to save our community.' struggle, featuring who led the song and a woman who scolded a brief scuffle between the guy according to her, all that extra text that he was making this too complicated; should be taken out, as this group is only about AIDS. Then, of course, a prayer. Action Councils) had to After this, all the participating CACS (Community at how That took a long time. I was a little surprised be introduced, one by one. their fifties. I thought Sove Lavi worked old some of the people were, many in was videotaping the Lolo had to get everything just right-he with "youth." the event to physically move people. Then event-so he would occasionally stop ourselves. After the round we-minus Lolo-had to get up: and present of course into the event), Mme Auguste gave a little of introductions (forty-five minutes Her speech focused the CAC leaders who made this possible. speech, thanking the knowledge of AIDS to preit's important that we pass along on knowledge: vent the disease from spreading. minutes featured a very aniThen the majority of the forty-five remaining and how to prevent it. about AIDS, HIV, how it's contracted, mated man talking of his knowledge. The Q-and-A period with the detail and depth Iwas impressed how else the disease is spread. A couple of quesbegan with this one guy asking idea to young men from the point of view that AIDS is an discourage tions came that it's a politics of control. the knowledge of AIDS to preit's important that we pass along on knowledge: vent the disease from spreading. minutes featured a very aniThen the majority of the forty-five remaining and how to prevent it. about AIDS, HIV, how it's contracted, mated man talking of his knowledge. The Q-and-A period with the detail and depth Iwas impressed how else the disease is spread. A couple of quesbegan with this one guy asking idea to young men from the point of view that AIDS is an discourage tions came that it's a politics of control. They made and women from having any sex at all, Inventée pour of SIDA, calling it Syndrôme a play on the French acronym Illness to Discourage Adults/ ("Invented Descouragée les Adultes/Adolescentes fun). One question was completely Adolescents" from having sex or having difference between coital who wanted to know about the ignored, from a man and the CAC people were in laughter and oral sex. The audience erupted because Sove Lavi didn't They didn't know the answer to that question insulted. them, since it's not from the USAID handbook. the tell moved into the church, hurriedly hauling Then it started to rain SO we Several people got inside. The group was incontrollable at this point. benches late, and already the meeting and left when the rain started. It was getting up cut into lunchtime. was trotted out, though it took a while One more time, the song "Rasanble" loud in the church hall The song was a wall of sound; it was for it to get going. floor both amplifying sound. with the tin roofs and polished concrete from the USAID handbook. the tell moved into the church, hurriedly hauling Then it started to rain SO we Several people got inside. The group was incontrollable at this point. benches late, and already the meeting and left when the rain started. It was getting up cut into lunchtime. was trotted out, though it took a while One more time, the song "Rasanble" loud in the church hall The song was a wall of sound; it was for it to get going. floor both amplifying sound. with the tin roofs and polished concrete --- Page 62 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS was that one of the CAC women demonThe big highlight of the meeting brown wooden penis, on the strated how to put on a condom. They presented a tittered uncontrolthe When it was pulled out, people larger end of spectrum. phrase, fe bagay (do it). One people also laughed at the slang lably. Interestingly, them with the phrase meaning "make love," sayof the older women corrected Someone asked whether all this about ing love is love, after all, and sex is sex. manufacturers are inventing to that U.S. condom AIDS was just politik (politics) couldn't, or refused to answer right away, make money. The CAC people didn't, it. In the meantime, this Mme Auguste had to get up on stage to answer SO can't answer this? Hmph!" But it was an person berated the group: "People this kind saying a lot about how people experience interesting question, to Mme Auguste about Then this same man asked a specific question of news. how much money Sove Lavi has. her salary and about Untangling Local Meanings in my fieldnotes, my first There are many ways to read this-unedlited-entry as written, fighting the with Sove Lavi. It is reprinted "mission" * to the provinces the cacophony, the multiple the jumble, lack of light and electricity, capturing the chance to interview people foractivities and agendas. It is also before I had had the chance to of events, and before I mally to learn their interpretation possible that the quesaccustomed to a different pace. It is eminently become winks, poking fun at the tions were akin to Clifford Geertz's (1973) "burlesque" > There is a what James C. Scott (1990) called "hidden transcripts. CAC leaders, folklore, particularly in rural culture, rich tradition of tricksters in Caribbean embodied in Haiti as Ti Malice. training in a remote province All this said, this snapshot of an HIV/AIDS the disease. This training issues to consider in the fight against highlights many given its high turnout. Lolo's was used as a model of successful participation full benches in a remote location; pictures in the report certainly helped, showing of whether or found their way to donors' websites. However, regardless some sincere, they expose tensions in the questions were not the unresponded-to that undermine the educarelationship between Sove Lavi and the community the critical need for a effort (see also Robins 2009). This story underscores tion understandings of participation. grounded theory that deconstructs simplistic How is it understood by difdefined? How is it measured? How is participation ferent actors? misses important questions and realAny simplistic notion of participation The training session and also the relationships engendered by NGO projects. ities, declared a success because of its high turnout, described above was officially however, the training nonethewhich was a result of local leaders' participation; will that sabotage prevention less reveals tensions and local understandings Robins 2009). This story underscores tion understandings of participation. grounded theory that deconstructs simplistic How is it understood by difdefined? How is it measured? How is participation ferent actors? misses important questions and realAny simplistic notion of participation The training session and also the relationships engendered by NGO projects. ities, declared a success because of its high turnout, described above was officially however, the training nonethewhich was a result of local leaders' participation; will that sabotage prevention less reveals tensions and local understandings --- Page 63 --- "THAT'S NOT PARTICIPATIONI of HIV halved over the previefforts if unaddressed. Clearly with the prevalence But much is not, and we some of what is being done is working. ous decade, the advances made against the disease, don't know which is which. Despite need an ethnothis mystery? For clues we up-close Gabrielle died. What explains the millions of dollars in HIV/AIDS graphic look at the NGOS entrusted with funding. women's NGOS, Sove Lavi (Kreyol for "saving This book compares two such "heads together"). Given lives") and Fanm Tèt Ansanm (women united, literally extreme poverty and structural forces of gender discrimination, the powerful the two NGOS nonethed'état, and neoliberal globalization, inequality, a coup The differences are most clearly seen less have different institutional responses. the NGOS. Fanm Tèt Ansanm prowithin in the aid recipients' "participation" involvement in execution, for relatively high levels of recipients' vided space design and priority setting, whereas discussion, planning, and even program limited to minute at Sove Lavi, when it occurred at all, was primarily participation NGOS-like all other people or social groupings-have implementation details. 1997; Hilhorst 2003; Mosse and idiosyncratic histories and biographies (Fisher and Julie what the anthropologists Steven Sampson Lewis 2006), demanding to uncover them. This chapter provides Hemment (2001) called "NGO-graphy" ideological notions of istwa-of the two NGOS, critiquing these histories-the what I call "civic grounded in relationships, participation with an approach infrastructure." The Two NGOS' Istwa Fanm Têt Ansanm U.S. in 1985 as part Tèt Ansanm began as an initiative of the government Fanm build offshore apparel factories in the period of the Caribbean Basin Initiative to series of two adult education to Duvalier's ouster. It began as a facleading up and health aimed at empowering women courses in human development added because of workers' workers. Gradually, different programs were tory their evaluation of training programs. advocacy and suggestions made during and literacy, SO these were the women asked for courses in rights For example, workers asked for a clinic. Leonie, who was among added. Early on, the factory programs and who now to attend Fanm Têt Ansanm training the first workers since Fanm Têt " recalls, "The workers asked, works for them as a "motivator, how to take our with health education, and we learned Ansanm provided us to have consultations. And later, we health in our hands, we need a clinic for us Fanm planning " Gradually, in this fashion, also needed materials, like family finished all the trainings, Ansanm's array of services grew. After the women Tèt in. Coming out of their discussions of they asked for still more to participate wanted to have a more structured in training sessions, they common problems workers asked, works for them as a "motivator, how to take our with health education, and we learned Ansanm provided us to have consultations. And later, we health in our hands, we need a clinic for us Fanm planning " Gradually, in this fashion, also needed materials, like family finished all the trainings, Ansanm's array of services grew. After the women Tèt in. Coming out of their discussions of they asked for still more to participate wanted to have a more structured in training sessions, they common problems --- Page 64 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS (literally "heads together," in this context forum for this kind of têt ansanm meetings). The Women's brainstorming or solution-oriented group meaning Women's Committee) was born. Vigilance Committee (later Tèt Ansanm's director, the organizaAccording to Mme Dominique, Fanm prevention, "before it the first in Haiti working on HIV/AIDS tion was among with their long years of service in the same became à la mode. " This, combined Fanm Têt Ansanm a favorable location with the same general population, made the Global Fund to for larger streams of HIV/AIDS funding, including In addition target and Malaria (hereafter the Global Fund). Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis, network of public health volunteers, to the program training and mobilizing a to disseminate informaFanm Têt Ansanm began a program of peer educators churches, about HIV/AIDS prevention to their coworkers, tion and materials and neighborhoods. factory workers from the industrial Fanm Têt Ansanm targeted women industrial park was built in Haiti's international airport. The park surrounding Duvalier's "economic revoluthe late 1970S as the centerpiece to Jean-Claude by World Bank and IDB export-processing zones financed tion," comprising foreign direct investment. Surrounding loans, bilateral grants, and some Society of Industrial Nationale des Parcs Industriels, or National SONAPI (Société and -managed industrial park-are Parks)-the Haitian government-owned times. The exportbuilt at different privately owned buildings haphazardly from the international airport to processing zone stretches several kilometers, that is the gateway low-income bidonvil (shantytown) Lasalin (La Saline), a very Haiti's largest and most northern provinces as well as to Sitesolèy, to Haiti's in the 1980s, the export-processing industry violent bidonvil. During its peak 1987:83; Hachette seventy thousand workers (Ferguson in Haiti employed processing for textiles in which 1981:23). The major industry is offshore export underwear, or clothing local/international subcontractors) produce shirts, jeans, and Sara such as Levi Strauss, Disney, accessories for U.S.-based corporations of the aforementioned of Hanes). Haiti was an early recipient Lee (makers free-trade incentives to increase the Caribbean Basin Initiative, providing advantage" (proximby exploiting its "comparative region's "competitiveness" 2003 conversation, a U.S. the United States and low wages). In an October ity to lamented the fact that other businesses citizen who owns an electronics factory lost its manufacturing base to since the United States are no longer profitable Rim (see also Enloe 2000; Sassen 1998; labor markets such as the Pacific cheaperl Wallerstein 2004). owned factories, was supposed to be on SONAPI, and possibly the privately during the workday. At grid that received a full ten hours of electricity not a power research (2003-2005), this rationing did least during the period of my usage to the bare essenowners economized electricity occur. As a result, factory and only sometimes lighting floor, meaning the equipment tials on the shop (see also Enloe 2000; Sassen 1998; labor markets such as the Pacific cheaperl Wallerstein 2004). owned factories, was supposed to be on SONAPI, and possibly the privately during the workday. At grid that received a full ten hours of electricity not a power research (2003-2005), this rationing did least during the period of my usage to the bare essenowners economized electricity occur. As a result, factory and only sometimes lighting floor, meaning the equipment tials on the shop --- Page 65 --- "THAT'S NOT PARTICIPATIONI Têt Ansanm rents out a portion of a facand almost never fans. Because Fanm by the blackouts. Almost Têt Ansanm office was also affected tory, the Fanm front-office staff were warned to save every day I visited the office, middle-and power. Most factories working on before switching to inverter what they were workers to drink. Most workers told me did not offer treated water for frontline such as one toilet for several nonexistent or inadequate toilet facilities, of either both men and women (see figures 2.I hundred workers on the floor, including 2007, there was no Until Fanm Têt Ansanm opened one in November and 2.2). the surrounding area. Fanm Têt Ansanm's medical clinic in SONAPI and few in could receive free medical clinics were some of the few places where women care in the Potoprens area. Fanm Têt Ansanm provided their servThis is the general context in which Fanm Têt Ansanm performed to criteria established by donors, ices. According promised to distribute 84,400 condoms beyond expectations. For example, they according to annual reports to in 2003, and they wound up distributing 103.956, voluntary AIDS testdonors. In addition, 485 instead of 420 people completed as educational seminars on HIV/AIDS ing. Instead of 5,950 people attending attended: IO,129. In the clinic, 1,992 promised, almost double that number between October I, 2003, methods people were counseled on family planning fiscal years. Of these people, 239 and September 30, 2004, one of their donors' Depo-Provera, and 65 people accepted condom usage, 59 people accepted rates are some form of a birth control pill. These acceptance people accepted clinics in Haiti, like the Centres high when compared to other family planning 2006).' et de la Santé (CDS) in Sitesolèy (Maternowska pour les Développement are due in part to the high cultural value The generally low rates of acceptance embodied by the phrase poto (a pro-natal value system attached to motherhood beliefs about birth control. In addition mitan), as well as long-standing Catholic had a consultation family planning services, 3,977 people to the organization's doctors during the same period. with one of Fanm Têt Ansanm's social milieu that was undergoFanm Tèt Ansanm existed in a very specific the whole exportchange. As described in the previous chapter, Tèt ing rapid other consequences, for Fanm processing sector was declining. Among for its profewer factory workers, the "target population" Ansanm there were director Edele explained, "[Our work] is grams. Fanm Têt Ansanm program enough jobs. Because there aren't more difficult. I mean, already there weren't don't even have time to finish enough jobs, workers are mobile. Sometimes they This mobility makes reinbecause they already lost their job. and pass trainings, hear they were there, then you hear forcing unions difficult. One moment you lost their job. 1 By the time I began my fieldwork they aren't there anymore. They and for the Women's attendance had fallen for trainings in November 2003, staff told me wistfully that in previous Committee. Several Fanm Tèt Ansanm were full of women before the political crisis, all four meeting spaces years, finish enough jobs, workers are mobile. Sometimes they This mobility makes reinbecause they already lost their job. and pass trainings, hear they were there, then you hear forcing unions difficult. One moment you lost their job. 1 By the time I began my fieldwork they aren't there anymore. They and for the Women's attendance had fallen for trainings in November 2003, staff told me wistfully that in previous Committee. Several Fanm Tèt Ansanm were full of women before the political crisis, all four meeting spaces years, --- Page 66 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS factory worker, used with floor. Photo taken by on the factory FIGURE 2.1 Garbage permission. Photo taken by worker, used several hundred line workers. FIGURE 2.2 Toilet for with permission. (2003-2005), it was rare to see During the period of my fieldwork many days there was taking classes. session concurrently operating; workers more than one training in the sector, non- Or former-factory the clinic and Also owing to the instability especially none? visible roles in the organization, began to play more --- Page 67 --- "THAT'S NOT PARTICIPATIONI For this reason, I use the word that staff people used, AIDS-prevention program. plural of "madame") when medanm ("ladies," from the French "mesdames," the population of aid recipients. referring to general and were at the time of the research, the Women have historically been, to this, gender as a catof Fanm Têt Ansanm's intervention. In addition targets been operant: in the literacy egory of analysis and intervention has consistently used within femiwomen's life histories were training sessions I attended, which women's exercises, in working-class nist/Freirian consciousnese-raising discussed. One in and as women-were specific problems-both: as poor people of confronting sexdiscussed the difficulties particular, written by a volunteer, husband, on top of havharassment on the job and an abusive common-law ual mother and at work to earn money for ing to work both at home as an unpaid individual "situations" to a Conversations moved from discussing the family. C. Wright Mills (1959) called shared "condition": as an oppressed group, a process was typical of the imagination.' > The gender-equality ideology the "sociological within international development (disGender and Development paradigm the gender roots of social cussed in the previous chapter) that addresses as formuFurther, while not using the language of intersectionality inequality. (1991), Fanm Tèt Ansanm's work targeted lated by Collins (2000) or Crenshaw multiple inequalities as workers and women. (and therefore fewer Around the same time that the factories were closing Global Fund training), the newly created medanm were available to attend The signature of AIDS became selected Fanm Têt Ansanm as a sub-recipient. from other programs. and Fanm Têt Ansanm drifted away more pronounced, volunteer trainers. In 2009, at the invitaMen became more visible, selected as of outside Fanm Tèt Ansanm went out Potoprens-far tion of a donor agency, training to a small the industrial park-to provide HIV/AIDS-prevention provincial town. Sove Lavi branch of the United Nations in the late Sove Lavi began as a program within a following Duvalier's ouster Haiti's tumultuous dechoukaj period 1980s, during elections. Sove Lavi's first and longest-standing and before the first democratic Councils (CACS), was also based on program, a network of Community Action community leaders, Sove Lavi assembled one of Paulo Freire's (1985) suggestions. rural women's organizations, organizations but also some mostly from peasants' health messages, the first concerning and trained them to disseminate public the Duvalier regime politicized hygiene. According to Haitian NGO researchers, who also served them to collect information and reward people CACS, using Mathurin et al. 1989:47). Typical of the WID as informants (Gabaud 2000; that specifically targets women in approach (described in the previous chapter) form of discrimination positive projects, Sove Lavi practiced a development 5) suggestions. rural women's organizations, organizations but also some mostly from peasants' health messages, the first concerning and trained them to disseminate public the Duvalier regime politicized hygiene. According to Haitian NGO researchers, who also served them to collect information and reward people CACS, using Mathurin et al. 1989:47). Typical of the WID as informants (Gabaud 2000; that specifically targets women in approach (described in the previous chapter) form of discrimination positive projects, Sove Lavi practiced a development --- Page 68 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS action")i in which the majority interpretation of "affirmative (a French-language of CAC members needed to be women. in the where one, and then two, drop-in centers provinces? Sove Lavi had n4 While I did not sit in on these converlocal youth could receive "counseling. on matters of sexuality, telling sations, 5 staff told me that they counseled youth transmitted infections them about the dangers of AIDS and other sexually outcomes. In one and how to avoid these unwanted (STIS), early pregnancies, of free cultural programming, local youths also had access to an array center, and English classes. I would often hear youth such as dance, acting, drumming, the room, when they quickly switched showing off their English until IIcame into At this center and the main embarrassed by my native ear. to Kreyol, apparently could visit the Sove Lavi had access to the Internet SO that they office, youths the online forums discussing similar topics." website and participate in Sove Lavi managed two major AIDS eduIn addition to the drop-in centers, from the Global Fund and developed after 2003 with funds cation projects "distance learning" in schools. Sove Lavi USAID. The first such project involved sexuality with a focus on developed a curriculum for middle schools concerning the curIn addition to workbooks, AIDS, other STIS, and pregnancy prevention. worked with community radio stariculum had an audio component. Sove Lavi when the teacher and broadcasts, once during school, tions for two weekly of school for parents to follow along students would follow along, and once out radios to participating with their children. Sove Lavi gave battery-powered Sove Lavi gave tapes of important for the remotest of areas, was schools. Especially this student education the various lessons to the teachers. Complementing Twice a year, at the education component run by Sove Lavi staff. a parental a team of Sove Lavi staff from beginning and at the end of the program, evaluation consisted came to visit and evaluate the classrooms. This in pôtoprens and true/false exam. A staff person multiple-choice of a twenty-one-question the results to submit to their donors as an Pôtoprens tabulated and analyzed evaluation of their outcomes. and treatment grew expoWhen worldwide funds for HIV/AIDS prevention natural choice for this of this century, Sove Lavi was a nentially at the beginning education. Almost overnight, beginwork because of their CAC model of health office to thirty staff in Sove Lavi grew from five staff in one ning in January 2003, agencies call "scaling up" (Edwards and four offices, a process that development Hulme 1992; Uvin 1996; Wils 1996). Lavi set out ambitious goals. Growing with their funding portfolio, Sove staff would travel to remote was a Caravan project, where Their most grandiose sound system to attract crowds to communities along with a self-contained two to three Sove Lavi envisioned hear the message of HIV/AIDS prevention. tours per year. people attending each Caravan tour, forty-eight to thousand the message of HIV/AIDS prevention In short, they had planned to spread , a process that development Hulme 1992; Uvin 1996; Wils 1996). Lavi set out ambitious goals. Growing with their funding portfolio, Sove staff would travel to remote was a Caravan project, where Their most grandiose sound system to attract crowds to communities along with a self-contained two to three Sove Lavi envisioned hear the message of HIV/AIDS prevention. tours per year. people attending each Caravan tour, forty-eight to thousand the message of HIV/AIDS prevention In short, they had planned to spread --- Page 69 --- "THAT'S NOT PARTICIPATIONI desired "milestones" were that half the 96,000-144,000 people per year. Their behavior" and practice the participants would promise to adopt a "responsible to donors that behavior within three months. They also promised responsible would collaborate with associations of people all their volunteer CAC members include these HIV-positive associaliving with HIV, and half the CACs would have been mixed. With The results of Sove Lavi interventions tions as members. could correctly identify the for example that participants some milestones, of HIV, Sove Lavi met their goals: major means of contraction and prevention correct or better. In of people scored 95 percent consistently over 90 percent including the Caravan just menthe case of most other measures, however, quarters late, and Sove Lavi often fell far short. The Caravan began eight tioned, much lower attendance (fewer only went on a handful of tours that garnered than a thousand per stop). central office was in Pôtoprens while Like most NGOS in Haiti? Sove Lavi's departments. were scattered throughout several geographic their aid recipients presented logistical chaldistance between NGO staff and aid recipients This difficult. While a few cyber cafes existed lenges, rendering communication: more cities. A pronounced most were to be found in provincial in the provinces, Freidman's (2005) underdivide added challenges, contrary to Thomas few digital of technology and globalization. Very standing of the transformative power an account current, to had access to the Internet long enough to keep For those people using e-mail as a regular means of communication. say nothing about became regularly available, especially with a little more means, cell phones in Haiti. Still, there were wide gaps since 2006 when Digicel opened operations in cities, especially rural coverage, as cellular towers were concentrated in made it hard for rural leaders to receive calls, pôtoprens. The lack of electricity For these reasons, radio and need to be charged almost daily. since phones > word of mouth) remained the central teledjôl (literally, "television of the jaw, staff sent messages via local Occasionally, Sove Lavi means for communication. community meetings. Most CAC meetings and general radio about upcoming communication with CAC members. often, staff relied on face-to-face It was difficult to glean Sove Lavi has a wide variety of target populations. least differpopulation was: I heard at eight exactly what Sove Lavi's beneficiary defined Sove Lavi as a "women's answers. Some staff, including the director, ent staff, including people with several organization," > targeting women. But many the shift to "youth" (which disagreed. One attributed years of experience, to the changing of the guard at the at the time of my research) was occurring was about women: women's equality, White House: "With Clinton everything Bush, AIDS is behind everything." and women's concerns. Now it seems, for of CAC working with women, reserving a majority Sove Lavi still preferred traditional gender roles and memberships for this group. Despite this, given such as sexuality, during discussions of intimate topics ideologies, especially women. But many the shift to "youth" (which disagreed. One attributed years of experience, to the changing of the guard at the at the time of my research) was occurring was about women: women's equality, White House: "With Clinton everything Bush, AIDS is behind everything." and women's concerns. Now it seems, for of CAC working with women, reserving a majority Sove Lavi still preferred traditional gender roles and memberships for this group. Despite this, given such as sexuality, during discussions of intimate topics ideologies, especially --- Page 70 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS Sove Lavi activities. In the two dozen men and adolescent males dominated only a handful of women spoke. community meetings and trainings Iwitnessed, and stir" approach the efficacy of the WID, "add women This calls into question 2005; Mohanty 2003). (Antrobus 2004; Moghadam Relationships with the Community and others (e.g., Anglade 1974; Barthélémy As Jennie Marcelle Smith (2001) woven into Haitian social life Gabaud 2000) have powerfully demonstrated, 1990; ede lôt (people helping one another). Although is a persistent tradition of youn marked by extreme violence and the period following Aristide's ouster was still engaged in this deterioration, many people, especially women, economic of civil society. I will cite two examples from indigenous, grassroots tradition at the grassroots level. both NGOS, highlighting the strength of relationships in her late fifties, an a member of one of Sove Lavi's CACS, was time Marie-Ange, of fifty-three years at that achievement in a society with a life expectancy of her life to serving others. Government of Haiti 2004). She gave most the (Interim was a tireless and faithful mother (for explained, first she As Marie-Ange after she divorced her husband) for her ten previous ten years a single mother, to buy a house for them in a children, sending them to school and saving up For the past twentysection of Petyonvil, an uphill suburb of Pôtoprens. rural leader with a local NGO and peasants' two years, Marie-Ange was a community three she walked up and down eight-thousandassociation.° For fifteen years, Catholic Church-run mountain peaks to get to work teaching at a small, feet focused on others, she lived modestly, and like school. Because her efforts were struggle showed on her body. low-income peasants in Haiti, the daily many like many people because it was relatively Eating copious amounts sugarcane medical care, she spoke her wry wischeap and widely available, and having no dom through missing teeth. has been sought out by larger NGOS Because of her experience, Marie-Ange she showed me a piece of paper their facilitator. During our interview, to act as her notes about a project, complete with a folded to pocket size that contained of seed and the going rate in the detailed budget listing the price per pound assumed it was for her peaslocality for human and bovine labor power. Having She laughed and told association, I asked her what she was going to plant. ants' association. When I asked her why me that it was for a neighboring peasants' While it was possible that she did that, she did not understand the question. with NGO living in the city and associating Kreyôl was too Frenchified by "That is my because, in her words, professionals, she mainly did not understand and she was had the experience writing up projects, what we do." Marie-Ange and willingly did SO. When Sove Lavi literate, SO she was obligated to help out that Sove Lavi found looking for leaders, it was neither surprising came to town me that it was for a neighboring peasants' While it was possible that she did that, she did not understand the question. with NGO living in the city and associating Kreyôl was too Frenchified by "That is my because, in her words, professionals, she mainly did not understand and she was had the experience writing up projects, what we do." Marie-Ange and willingly did SO. When Sove Lavi literate, SO she was obligated to help out that Sove Lavi found looking for leaders, it was neither surprising came to town --- Page 71 --- "THAT'S NOT PARTICIPATIONI volunteered. She recalled, "SL found out that out about Marie-Ange nor that she inactive. So they called to they knew I couldn't stay because of my intelligence, invite me to join SL." talked about the need for togetherIn recounting their istwa, some women worker keeps us alive," " began Giselle, a factory ness. "Helping one another with a U.S. firm who became involved sewing shirts for a company contracting don't see that? When we help each in Fanm Tèt Ansanm. "We are poor. You her sôl, an organically organized, other, we can survive. " Giselle talked about family members, or no-interest lending system among friends, neighbors, in Haiti, most all over the Caribbean. Most large expenses coworkers, popular or annually. It is extremely importantly rent," 10 are paid either semiannually ties with extended family of even if she has close difficult for a head household, her landlord. A sôl was to come up with enough money to pay in Pôtoprens, homeless and having a place to live. literally the difference between being workers are usually paid cash in At the end of the two-week pay period, and health insurwith taxes already taken out, like social security at the envelopes, minimum wage of seventy goud a day (about $1.70 ance. Given Giselle's hundred goud per pay period, minus one time of the interview), she made seven this six hundred goud (about hundred goud taken out by her employer. With household goods like oil, soap, $15.00), Giselle had to buy food and necessary that had been built up Since she lived in a bidonvil and laundry detergent. following Haiti's "stock market during the 1980s with the wave of migration Haitian pig population and Duvalier's destruction of the crash'-USAID's ofthe houses was equipped (Diederich 1985; Farmer 1993; Smith 2001:29)-none hauling water. She had to buy water, at four goud per gallon," with running in each hand, one on her head) ten minutes up three five-gallon buckets (one her house. After just these necessislippery, often muddy stairs to the narrow, for her children," Giselle typically had one ties, and not even paying for school to her sol, a pool of people left. She would contribute this amount hundred goud everyone paid this same (in Giselle's case, six coworkers). Come payday, like rent, school unireceiving it all to pay for things amount, with one person if someone should fall ill, or a burial forms, school registration fees, health care Giselle got seven hundred three and a half months, ifthey waited too long. Every depanse ann dola ("earned in Like many people, Giselle touche ann goud, her goud. in other words, her expenses vastly outstripped goud but spent in dollars"; , be able to afford to send her chilWithout her sol, Giselle would not Giselle's earnings). cinder-block home. Beatrice, dren to school, or have her eight-by-eight said, "The sôl saves Haiti!" friend whom she met at Fanm Têt Ansanm, health volunteers and of Fanm Têt Ansanm's network of public A member active member in her gwoupman katye educators, Giselle was also an AIDS peer month, she cooked food for the meetingss (neighborhood association). Once a the problems in their where they sat down and had a tèt ansanm, discussing earnings). cinder-block home. Beatrice, dren to school, or have her eight-by-eight said, "The sôl saves Haiti!" friend whom she met at Fanm Têt Ansanm, health volunteers and of Fanm Têt Ansanm's network of public A member active member in her gwoupman katye educators, Giselle was also an AIDS peer month, she cooked food for the meetingss (neighborhood association). Once a the problems in their where they sat down and had a tèt ansanm, discussing --- Page 72 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS went out and worked After everyone was fed, theyv lives and in their community. managed to obtain SO solution: installing new PVC that someone on a concrete water and there would be fewer leaks, tap would have more that their community rains come people would not have to up trash SO that when the next or cleaning from my work at Fanm Têt Ansanm," walk or live in it. "This is what Iam applying said. "We are poto mitan another volunteer member of Fanm Têt Ansanm, " Luna, who has a problem in the area, they ask for us." in our neighborhoods. Anyone Institutional Differences stories show, women in both groups were As Giselle's and Marie Ange's take of leadership. communities and invited to positions involved in their differences between the NGOS engenDespite similarities, a few institutional Sove Lavi chose CAC members as dered distinctions in these relationships. whereas anyone following an elaborate process, community representatives This expresses and reproduces two could participate in Fanm Têt Ansanm. leaders while Fanm Têt Ansanm "grows" different orientations to leadership: differences, the two poputhem. Also owing to institutional Sove Lavi "harvests" social strata (kouch sosyal)-not quite classes lations of aid recipients differed in in the Marxist sense (Jean 2002:19).4 First Contact CAC members. First, an elaborate process for selecting Sove Lavi followed mission and met with local health and Sove Lavi staff organized a prescreening leaders and groups. During the first educational institutions that referred local Local groups local about the process. meeting, Sove Lavi told organizations at a 9) whom Sove Lavi staff screened selected nine candidates to form a "cellule," of HIV/AIDS Candidates were given tests on their knowledge public meeting. their French reading ability, their comand other community health concerns, in the community. In the fort with public speaking, and their *respectability" audience members, this last point was assessed by asking screening I attended, whether the community holds these presumably candidates' friends and family, either because of were nothing but positive, people in high esteem. Responses in front of strangers (people used the this "stacking" or because of politeness challenging NGO profesrefer to Potoprens staff, term enunir-foreignere-to home to Pôtoprens, I asked about this; sionals' status as Haitian). On the way to a meeting as a proxy for Sove Lavi took how many friends someone brought not pataje abilities. The verb used was simaye (disseminate), their leadership in orientation toward as in Fanm Têt Ansanm, suggesting a difference (share) information to passive recipients. with Sove Lavi sending the communities, Sove Lavi staff from process of cross-examination, After a two-and-a-half-hour to invite as CAC members. pôtoprens selected the five people about this; sionals' status as Haitian). On the way to a meeting as a proxy for Sove Lavi took how many friends someone brought not pataje abilities. The verb used was simaye (disseminate), their leadership in orientation toward as in Fanm Têt Ansanm, suggesting a difference (share) information to passive recipients. with Sove Lavi sending the communities, Sove Lavi staff from process of cross-examination, After a two-and-a-half-hour to invite as CAC members. pôtoprens selected the five people --- Page 73 --- "THAT'S NOT PARTICIPATIONI the Fanm Tèt Ansanm center, By contrast, anyone was welcome to frequent become a member of one events, visit the clinic, take classes, or attend special Committee and the HV/AIDS-Prevention of the two committees (the Women's was to complete all neceducators). To join, the only requirement Program peer modes of contact with Fanm There were two primary essary training programs. in the factories referral from a current volunteer or "motivation" Têt Ansanm: said that a friend or coworker described below." 16 Most women I interviewed had referred others to the them. Several people in turn told me that they referred Women's Day, Labor Day (May I celebrations, such as International NGO. At public Against Violence Against Women, or outside the United States), International Day for training sessions. all in attendance were invited to sign up World AIDS Day, Leonie and coworkers going inside the Another means of motivation was break from the line, SO the industrial park. Workers are usually given a half-hour on a row of with thousands of women and men descending pace was frenetic, Leonie and her coworkers were efficient, a dozen timachann serving up food. brochures, or other Fanm Têt usually giving out the entire stack of journals, minutes. Leonie shouted materials they brought with them within Ansanm about coming to the clinic, or coming above the crowd noise, repeating phrases sought her out. At this point, to the first day of a new class, until an individual and carried on as personal mid-sentence, called out "cheri" (dear), she stopped conversation as possible under the circumstances. Orientation: Setting Apart or Tying Together orientation. People also structures a difference in This difference in selection Tèt Ansanm tend to be peers with committee members at Fanm who become sometimes played specified roles at their coworkers and neighbors. While they reinforcing this unity they received no other special treatment. Ritually events, and ended with one of four songs, most public events began as a community, "Rasanble" (Assemble) is the call for women to each with a different message. in unity. "Fanm yo, si n pa rele" (Women, organize and put their heads together of women having the courage talks about the importance if we do not speak up) is about the importance of to defend their rights. -Oganizasyon" (Organization) tasks they face. organized, in order to counteract the enormous women being bit), is that we are gaining ground in our And the message of "Piti, piti" (Bit by After large public and justice, as women and as workers. struggles for equality of finger food and a cup of Couronne-a celebrations, staff handed out little plates Staff people viewed this sweet Haitian soft drink-to all present. popular, syrupy ritual of status inversion whereby NGO professionals as an important gesture, a the message reinforced was tèt workers.7 Over and over again, serve factory ansanm: unity, dialogue, and working together. treated much differently than By contrast, Sove Lavi CAC members were activities were only with CAC members. Most of Sove Lavi's ordinary community struggles for equality of finger food and a cup of Couronne-a celebrations, staff handed out little plates Staff people viewed this sweet Haitian soft drink-to all present. popular, syrupy ritual of status inversion whereby NGO professionals as an important gesture, a the message reinforced was tèt workers.7 Over and over again, serve factory ansanm: unity, dialogue, and working together. treated much differently than By contrast, Sove Lavi CAC members were activities were only with CAC members. Most of Sove Lavi's ordinary community --- Page 74 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS They were of the community. and ritually reinforced as "representatives between the community members, communicating back and forth distance. In addition, intermediaries. reason for this was the geographical this inequality. Sove Lavi. Part of the culture exacerbated rituand organizational that Fanm Têt Ansanm Sove Lavi daily practice community relationship distinction between Instead of the horizontal, emphasized the Sove Lavi ritual practice als reinforced, the communities. on December I, CAC members and and vertical relationship occurred center, in An example of this division a skit with youths at their drop-in by a World AIDS Day. Sove Lavi prepared written and choreographed surrounding communities, from the USAID health contracorder to "motivate" Following a suggestion use of local university-trained artist. 1996), Sove Lavi made strategic Bawôn Samdi and Desormeaux such as tor CDS (Bernard slang and cultural metaphors to including sexual and guardian of the cemetery), knowledge, religion, the spirit of death usage (which later was (in traditional which emphasized condom frank (see AIDS.' 18 The skit, abstinence), was quite represent Sove Lavi staff to emphasize which in Haitian terms amended by high school students, traveled by 2.3). The actors were mostly IO percent." 19 The group figure: among the wealthiest in Haiti and means that they were location of the first UN project incidentally the on their outfits bus to a hamlet, liaison. After they finished putting home to their community forum. Photo by author. FIGURE 2.3 Sove Lavi educational (see AIDS.' 18 The skit, abstinence), was quite represent Sove Lavi staff to emphasize which in Haitian terms amended by high school students, traveled by 2.3). The actors were mostly IO percent." 19 The group figure: among the wealthiest in Haiti and means that they were location of the first UN project incidentally the on their outfits bus to a hamlet, liaison. After they finished putting home to their community forum. Photo by author. FIGURE 2.3 Sove Lavi educational --- Page 75 --- "THAT'S NOT PARTICIPATIONI waited for an hour and a half for the market and makeup, the group nervously staff person in charge fed up and hungry, the Pôtoprens to close. Finally, market. The youth volunteers performed their decided to go ahead during the countries, the market is a genwell, attracting a small crowd. As in most skit and sellers, therefore only men could dered space, frequented by women buyers women. After the skit, Sove Sove Lavi's preference to work with attend despite forum for the community, complete with two Lavi had prepared an education health nurse they just HIV to give testimony, a public people who were positive hired, and a DJ with a very loud sound system. the center to staff left to return to provincial No one came. The Potoprens who were growing more irritathe boxed lunches for the youth volunteers, retreated get condoms like balloons. The community liaison ble and playing with around town with Gabrielle, who with the nurse to his house for lunch. I walked She was visiwith HIV Sove Lavi brought in to testify. was one of the two people about the lack of motivably upset, telling me that she felt used, complaining on a group we stumbled tion done to bring people to the session. Incidentally, school classroom that was a skit they wrote in a public of local youth practicing invited to participate by the "city social messages. They were not also addressing noticed them. After what seemed like kids" or Sove Lavi staff, who hadn't even returned with lunch. I was eternity to everyone, the Pôtoprens staff an awkward would-be presenters like Gabrielle were not, given one but local youth and the to include food.20 I gave my were given a 1 per diem" that was supposed as they but hungry local youth had only chicken bones lunch to the presenters to share, dumped their trash in the whatever else was thrown away as the group and schoolyard and left in their rented bus. received from these and other The message that recipient communities from the local beneficiaries of Sove Lavi are set apart practices was that direct as Marie Ange explained: community. This puts a strain on local relationships, talk to us about these You're making money off of us! When you for "[They say,] to them, I don't take the training things, you will make money." I explain them to sign, they don't want and I don't give it for money. When we ask make us write money You will make money and when you to. They always say, But yes! > Marie Ange is referring to an attendance [our names), we won't get anything after every event, an expression of sheet that Sove Lavi requires of participants the conduct of conduct, what Michel Foucault (1991) called "governmentality." of the population. This with recording official censuses including an obsession and acceptable in "developed" census taking may be considered expected forms and surveys, but elsewhere countries whose citizens are accustomed to of power. This gathering is often seen as a tool and expression this information (albeit a volunteer stipend) is deeplocal fear of the volunteers making money names in similar fashened by the history of the Duvaliers' collecting people's ritual act reinforced the them, using the same CAC model. This ion to persecute (1991) called "governmentality." of the population. This with recording official censuses including an obsession and acceptable in "developed" census taking may be considered expected forms and surveys, but elsewhere countries whose citizens are accustomed to of power. This gathering is often seen as a tool and expression this information (albeit a volunteer stipend) is deeplocal fear of the volunteers making money names in similar fashened by the history of the Duvaliers' collecting people's ritual act reinforced the them, using the same CAC model. This ion to persecute --- Page 76 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS staff and the beneficiary community. Despite differences between the well-paid friends, relatives, and members the fact that CAC members were also neighbors, marked CAC members as the of local churches or other organizations, this act painful to CAC with the Pôtoprens staff. This was especially chosen elect, along were central reasons Sove members because these preexisting relationships some of the roots of this chose them in the first place. In chapter 41 lexplain Lavi practice. NGO Class inegalitarian society. In casual observers note, Haiti is an incredibly As even in the world (Jadotte 2006 it was second to Namibia in income inequality between NGOS and aid presents a barrier in relationships 2006). This inequality of a klas ONG, an NGO class, recipients. In Haiti there is a popular conception vis-à-vis the general populawhich is characterized as having certain privileges Fanm Têt Ansanm's chauffeurs are seen as having this privilege, as tion. Even and people say, 'Oh! You make money, Jean-Baptiste explains, "I am working, you work in an NGO." "The leaders [of NGOS] Danielle, a Sove Lavi CAC leader, had this critique: more critia business." > Gabrielle was much always want to direct an enterprise, "take the illness [of AIDS] to her, NGOS and foreign aid workers of cal. According die. Thanks to this illness, a lot and turn it into a business. They let people become rich. Many become bigwigs [gran nègl. A lot of people people have Many people make a lot of money off people drive fancy cars, fancy motorcycles. of us with the illness, living with the illness. And many living the backs of people frustrated, and some of her points to die. > Gabrielle is admittedly we continue echoed by aid recipients from both Sove Lavi may be overstated, but they were leader at Fanm Tèt Ansanm, Fanm Têt Ansanm. Julie, a volunteer and even release some aid, they come for the bigcomplained, "When [foreign donors] cars. Yourself, a poor person, receive the aid. They drive the fancy wigs. They of dust. As long as the aid passes when they pass by they only give you a coating > meeting in will never see a cent.' In a follow-up through the bigwigs, we poor of their working for 2006, CAC members pointed out the hypocrisy differences August well. As I describe below, these free while Sove Lavi staff are paid color individuals' percepprofessional NGO staff and aid recipients between perceptions about recipients' particitions about NGOS, for example differing and Sove Lavi, given the pervasive pation. This is true of both Fanm Têt Ansanm inequality and social exclusion in the country. whereas the more klas (class) is used in broad strokes, In common usage, from "miserable" (malere), for fine-grained kouch distinguishes "poor" (pov) can be seen in Given Haitian social organizational criteria, patterns Sove example. For example, one of the requirements the two NGOs' service populations. French, the language of the elite. for CAC members was mastery of Lavi imposed the pervasive pation. This is true of both Fanm Têt Ansanm inequality and social exclusion in the country. whereas the more klas (class) is used in broad strokes, In common usage, from "miserable" (malere), for fine-grained kouch distinguishes "poor" (pov) can be seen in Given Haitian social organizational criteria, patterns Sove example. For example, one of the requirements the two NGOs' service populations. French, the language of the elite. for CAC members was mastery of Lavi imposed --- Page 77 --- "THAT'S NOT PARTICIPATIONI which in turn requires a considerable To speak French requires an education, and tuition for income. The average cost of registration portion of a family's lekol bôlèt,21 was between five and six the cheapest kind of Potoprens school, a minimum wage. To my months' salary working thousand goud a year-four their family, as most still lived in the knowledge, all but one CAC member-or a house or land. traditional, extended family lakou system-ownedas well differences in the two populations, Comparing the socioeconomic it can be said that while the human resources invested in the membership, as leaders, Fanm Têt Ansanm "grows" leaders members of both are community Georges illustrated this them. Frontline staff person while Sove Lavi *imports" I mean, we find when he said, "Sove Lavi does not create organizations. point and we work with them. 5) By contrast, Fanm Têt them in the field, we help them training in factory workAnsanm invested as much as two years of educational first visit. After this were not literate in Kreyôl before their ers, many of whom invited them to become Women's Committee investment, Fanm Têt Ansanm Sove Lavi found people with high members or AIDS peer educators. By contrast, including extensive local educational, linguistic, and symbolic capital, levels of organizational experience. Relationships with NGOS NGOS, one rubric distinguishes between While there are many ways to classify Bebbington and Thiele 1993; organizations (e.g., service or membership and Grown 1987). The relevant differDicklitch 1998; Mathurin et al. 1989; Sen and the NGO: between the service population ence involves the relationships "members"? A general distinction the aid recipients "clients" or are they are a client only receives services concerns the orientation of the relationship: Membership and is a part of the organization's constitution. whereas a member of with members also differ in the quality participation, service organizations by which the work is defined, while having some ownership of the processes of the service (if at all). in the actual delivery clients only participate Sove Lavi: Clients were typical of between Sove Lavi and its service population Relationships Sove Lavi practice or habitus (Bourdieu 1980) client-patron arrangements. Sove Lavi organized a three-day clientelism. For one clear example, reproduced the dual themes of violence against national conference bringing together described in the previous chapter. women and the feminization of AIDS, both organizacoordinating more than thirty partner This was a major undertaking, the There were more together people from all over country. tions and bringing breakout sessions. Speakers included than forty speakers in two concurrent the NGO sector, and several leaders within the interim Haitian government, habitus (Bourdieu 1980) client-patron arrangements. Sove Lavi organized a three-day clientelism. For one clear example, reproduced the dual themes of violence against national conference bringing together described in the previous chapter. women and the feminization of AIDS, both organizacoordinating more than thirty partner This was a major undertaking, the There were more together people from all over country. tions and bringing breakout sessions. Speakers included than forty speakers in two concurrent the NGO sector, and several leaders within the interim Haitian government, --- Page 78 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS FIGURE 2.4 Hotel Montana, site of the Sove Lavi symposium. Photo by author. international ofwomen's condition organizations, including the minister of from the and rights, the UN resident public health, the minister Canadian coordinator, a The conference development organization representative was well attended; in (ACDI), and the U.S. director, reported that a press conference Mme ambassador. well discussed; 350 people participated. In Versailles, the fifteen media addition, the the event. Outside the outlets-print, radio, and even conference was groups, and artists sessions was an exposition where television-covered items for sale, displayed their pictures, pamphlets, NGOS, community The T-shirts, and artisanal dards. Before conference was held at the Hotel it was destroyed Montana, posh by sat atop a by the earthquake in even U.S. stanclean mountain, off the road to Petyonvil, January 2010, the Montana swimming pools (see featuring large lush the provinces, the figure 2.4). To most terraces and a very. space signified people, especially coming protest following the 2006 exclusion, which is why it was from send a message that elections, because the the site of conditioned their votes should count. poor majority wanted to Montana made Being in the Ansanm staff and aid many uncomfortable, modern, posh, airWhile factory recipients with whom I waited in including the Fanm Têt food, workers and peasant women line for the lunch gran manje ("big eaters," the patiently waited for their turn buffet. Kreyôl equivalent of "fat to get cats")-most of them clusion, which is why it was from send a message that elections, because the the site of conditioned their votes should count. poor majority wanted to Montana made Being in the Ansanm staff and aid many uncomfortable, modern, posh, airWhile factory recipients with whom I waited in including the Fanm Têt food, workers and peasant women line for the lunch gran manje ("big eaters," the patiently waited for their turn buffet. Kreyôl equivalent of "fat to get cats")-most of them --- Page 79 --- "THAT'S NOT PARTICIPATIONI men, all oft them professional in their titles, moved to the front of the line their suits, and their use of Frenchwith food that and walked past us with their plates sometimes fell to the floor. the overfilled buffet line, there were By time our group got to the only random slices of fruit pieces of mango, papaya, and watermelon left-about eight or nine Têt. Ansanm for more than forty people. The employee Rose, who alsoattended the Fanm the hotel wait staff about the food conference, said she had asked could and was told they get an answer, we were would check. Before we rushed to the next late, because all but one of the session, which started an hour aforementioned allotted times to speak. 22 The end of the gran manje went over their conference, participate in the discussion of designed for everyone to therefore cut short. The problems and solutions in workshops, was following day, the finale of the senting the summaries of breakout symposium, people preroom for the U.S. ambassador, group conversations were set aside to make who had shown until his turn in the up on time and could not wait rotation. Sove Lavi's CAC clients were pushed aside a third time members and other groups' of the presentations, during the conference, At the conclusion during the showing of an educational organization, I was pulled aside Sove video by a partner (this was the first week I had by Lavi staff. Not wanting to be impolite bar that served spent with them), I followed the staff into as the locale of a reception for "VIPs. The a hotel extravagantly filled with several serving tables were cheeses, and Haitian beans non-Haitian dishes, hors d'oeuvres, and rice. I was uncomfortable meats, people would be in the same at the thought that different Sove Lavi staff predicament of the previous two days. But two to people assured me that eat, that they had learned from the everyone would have enough top of things. And in truth, I was previous days' experience and were on really hungry, days. So Iate. depleted from the previous two After the reception was over, the curtains line of people trying to get food. No were opened, revealing a large son learned was not to have additional plates of food were set. The lesa more equitable the boundaries and make that distribution of food, but to put up not HIV positive and who privilege invisible, empowering those who are they had the previous generally eat three meals a day to eat even more than days. This goes a step beyond bers discussed above; in this the privileging of CAC memulations for other setting, these same CAC members and similar organizations were left behind. popleft on the narrow, winding road Many of the same people were hail a tap-tap while the down to Pôtoprens to fend for themselves to gran manje sped by in their white, emblazoned with their organizations' air-conditioned SUVs told the audience that logos. Down sped some who we should be working people had social exclusion increases the against discrimination because the participants who had prevalence of AIDS, The irony was not lost on speak, missed two meals and not been as they sang chan given a chance to pwen-message or "pointing" songs (Averill 1997; Smith while the down to Pôtoprens to fend for themselves to gran manje sped by in their white, emblazoned with their organizations' air-conditioned SUVs told the audience that logos. Down sped some who we should be working people had social exclusion increases the against discrimination because the participants who had prevalence of AIDS, The irony was not lost on speak, missed two meals and not been as they sang chan given a chance to pwen-message or "pointing" songs (Averill 1997; Smith --- Page 80 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS language from some of the ses2004)-comparing NGOS to pimps, borrowing I tried to explain in about the sex trade. 23 As we walked down, laughing, sions similar expression in the United States, still-improving Kreyol that there is a my couldn't translate "poverty pimp." but I simply had spent several thousand dollars of Privately, a UN representative-who "a total waste of money." " If the point the conference his group's budget-called craft an agenda, and organize strategy of the conference was to raise awareness, of HIV/AIDS, it was violence against women and the feminization to combat the issue, the organization, and indeed a failure. But if the point was to get in their reports and their donors and director in the media, to repost therefore websites, it succeeded brilliantly. "We Don't Depend on Ourselves" show that the relationships These stories, especially of the symposium, reinforced through everyday between Sove Lavi and their service population, hierarchy, and reproduced and strengthened inequality, and ritual practices, but rather characteristic of exclusion. I argue that this is not accidental, social CAC member, Maxime, "What I relationships. Said one I vertical, client-patron don't I want it? I don't like their strategy, [and] see here, I don't want it. Why need for them not to exist, no. But don't like their mode of functioning. I don't Danielle, "We feel far away Iwould like them to change. > Said another member, terms, includmembers put the distance in economic from them." " Several CAC We give our bodies, we give our of ourselves. ing Julie: "We are already giving understand? We abandon our talents. It's already a big effort, you time, we give the benefit of this project, which is a positive other activities that we had for micro-credit business, which is Today particularly, I had to leave my it project. U.S. dollars] to come here because costing me 150 [Haitian] dollars [nineteen Structuring this relationsocial services."' is a social service. I like supporting that they were not CAC members, reinforcing their perceptions ship for many always late. This frustrated CAC valued, was that Sove Lavi staff were nearly send for us to let us know when members. Danielle recounted, "They always they give us a time, And they're always late. Sometimes, they want a meeting, when we arrive, we wait, wait, wait, for and when we come to the meeting, meeting designed for arrive very late.' " A focus group evaluation them. They Sove Lavi had last visited CAC members, began USAID, some eight months after the Sove Lavi team about Sove Lavi. Tellingly, with a litany of their complaints the meeting was to have begun. showed up two hours later than CAC I joined did you receive at Sove Lavi?," Answering the question "What training about the substance of members each responded with a single-phrase answer such as lack of comand then launched into specific complaints, the training and the consequences for promises broken, lack of follow-up, munication, their relationships with the community. AC members, began USAID, some eight months after the Sove Lavi team about Sove Lavi. Tellingly, with a litany of their complaints the meeting was to have begun. showed up two hours later than CAC I joined did you receive at Sove Lavi?," Answering the question "What training about the substance of members each responded with a single-phrase answer such as lack of comand then launched into specific complaints, the training and the consequences for promises broken, lack of follow-up, munication, their relationships with the community. --- Page 81 --- "THAT'S NOT PARTICIPATIONI between Sove Lavi and CAC members were The lines of communication member to inform them of an upcomstrained. Sove Lavi usually called one CAC members complained about meeting a couple days in advance. Several CAC ing that Sove Lavi should give us two or three days' this. Maxime said, "I believe and what we're not doing. Or, will advance warning to know what we need to do with should Or also, if Sove Lavi wants to meet us, they we have time that day? time." Danielle was more specific: first ask, because we all might not have meeting. around four o'clock I got the note" about today's of their "Yesterday front for Sove Lavi training expenses out CAC members had to pay up "When process was slow. Djoni complained, own funds, and the reimbursement don't reimburse us on time. It's Sovelavi suggests that we organize a meeting, they order to it. We need to beg-how many trips to Pôtoprens2-in always difficult get this financial burden, they were more conto receive the money." Even given Sove Lavi had made to the comcerned about what they understood as promises school, a proposed a lot of stuff for us: they proposed a community munity. "They "We wrote and gave them a toilet, things like that,' s Maxime recalled. for community Lack of follow-up was a major concern request, but they never responded." including Marie-Ange: "I would CAC members, even otherwise accommodating because when there's no follow-through, like Sove Lavi to always follow through them on the ground." washed hands very well, only to wipe it's like you your strain on CAC members' relationships This lack of follow-through put a "There are schools that say, You with their communities, as outlined by Jimmy: We don't depend on We say, Well, it's not our fault. never come back anymore. However dependent they were, CAC ourselves. When they send us, we go." the and of Sove Lavi in the eyes of communities members were representatives lack thereof). Said Junia, "Even accountable for Sove Lavi's actions (or therefore ever done? Is this finished or is it always ask us, 'Why was nothing now, people tension in the community, as Linda explains: going to continue?" This creates we helped to train." "We lose face too, to stand in front of other groups the CAC and the focus group for my own research, In both this meeting more and more directly to the member Djoni24 assumed leadership, speaking we're asking for mutual "We're not asking for a big thing, but him in the critiques: Sove Lavi chose respect." As a community leader on the ground-why and time should have felt that his experience, perspective, first place-Djoni best how to mobilize the community. The failbeen valued. Local leaders know when compared to the trainure at World AIDS Day discussed above, especially of the need for local leadership ing that began the chapter, is a perfect example they would have known Had local people given their input and ownership. would have been in session SO as to avoid when the market and church services these times, and known who could generate turnout. negarelationships are not entirely But this social distance and clientelist Often, while I was at Sove Lavi's tive from the point of view of the aid recipients. mobilize the community. The failbeen valued. Local leaders know when compared to the trainure at World AIDS Day discussed above, especially of the need for local leadership ing that began the chapter, is a perfect example they would have known Had local people given their input and ownership. would have been in session SO as to avoid when the market and church services these times, and known who could generate turnout. negarelationships are not entirely But this social distance and clientelist Often, while I was at Sove Lavi's tive from the point of view of the aid recipients. --- Page 82 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS would introduce me to a CAC member from one or central office, a staff person Kreyol to the peasant Often, the staff had to translate my another province. she was in town not (or not only) to complain leader. I would later find out he or favor from the staff. Often they about Sove Lavi, but also to ask for a personal they illness or a burial. Because of the relationships needed money for a family felt to help and usually granted built with CAC members, Sove Lavi staff obliged benefits) that staff CAC members took other ti benefis (fringe these requests. CAC members borrowed staff's cell members happily obliged. During missions, After my second or third trip phones, and not just to call other CAC members. felt to offer my received these requests. I too obliged to a particular place, I also member made kleren (very strong mooncell phone, for instance. If the CAC to sell, Sove Lavi staff people shine from cane juice), charcoal, or other products And often, upon our return happily bought from them (to "encourage" them). town, a CAC member "in the field" to go back into the provincial from being times the CAC member rode with us all the would ride along with us. A couple of donations were idiosyncratic, Like all acts of patronage, these way to pôtoprens. decision of the donor on a given day. depending on the Fanm Têt Ansanm: Members? The first contact was either was different at Fanm Têt Ansanm. The situation staff's at lunch or on the factory referral, or presence from a friend or coworker's Têt Ansanm had either a personal who become involved in Fanm floor. People to seek further contact. Once connection or the wherewithal and initiative Many chose to convisited the space, they chose whether to continue. matter of people Fanm Têt Ansanm's continued existence as a tinue. Some staff defined variant of the phrase, "If women workers factory workers' consent. Many said a Têt Ansanm." > This double there would be no need for Fanm did not come, further: is this "true, bottom-up" participanegative is worth commenting on terms (Regan 2003:10), what under control," in Freirian tion, or "participation the context of Haitian NGOS, Fanm Tèt Gramsci (1971) called "consent"? In who wrote individual articles Ansanm stuck out in its openness to the medanm sometimes chose the issues to be discussed. in the journal and "backup" (bak-ôp, not ankadreman) Fanm Têt Ansanm attempted to provide initiatives. While she was workleaders, supporting them in their to committee industrial park, the Women's Committee leader ing at one of the factories in the she visited the OFATMA office Lisette fell ill. Knowing her rights to insurance, To her surprise, the govthe funds taken every payday. and asked to withdraw for her. Lisette called a special meeting ernment office did not even have a file decided they would Committee to discuss this. As a group, they of the Women's that they fulfill their responsimeet with OFATMA representatives to demand to comply with the law. workers, and force Lisette's employer bilities to protect and her coworkers, but they did not OFATMA opened an account for Lisette ATMA office Lisette fell ill. Knowing her rights to insurance, To her surprise, the govthe funds taken every payday. and asked to withdraw for her. Lisette called a special meeting ernment office did not even have a file decided they would Committee to discuss this. As a group, they of the Women's that they fulfill their responsimeet with OFATMA representatives to demand to comply with the law. workers, and force Lisette's employer bilities to protect and her coworkers, but they did not OFATMA opened an account for Lisette --- Page 83 --- "THAT'S NOT PARTICIPATIONI taken out of every pay envelope for the previcharge the company for the taxes Women's Committee members three years. In response, Lisette and other ous what OFATMA's responsibilities were. This wrote an article simply explaining journal, in an issue of Fanm Tèt Ansanm's Kreyol-language article appeared copies and is distributed during which has a circulation of five to ten thousand NGOS and governin the industrial park (and also to other the "feeding frenzy" local media, volunteering her time even ment agencies). Lisette also contacted asked. "It was unjust." " This camshe was sick. "What could I do?" she though similar visits to the agency, as workers were empowered paign generated many who used the information in the to defend their rights. Those individuals25 be opened as well, their case demanded that their accounts journal to plead and at least some met with success. the Women's Committee, like workers found their way to Other factory unions: "We created a through their frustration with male-dominated Beatrice, don't want to see unions, SO our boss union to improve the factory. Employers The judge declared that the We hired a lawyer and went to court. fired us all. took that money and we never saw boss owed us a lot of money. But our lawyer after what they did to me, I won't dime. Iwon't say that unions aren't good, but in a like Beatrice who left unions ever join a union again." In addition to women who are simply afraid to Fanm Têt Ansanm provided space for women factory disgust, said, "In Haiti you can't speak of unions because join unions. Yolette > Beatrice continued, "No matter owners don't want you to demand your rights." fire you.' " Elizabeth with them, if you stand up for your rights, they how we speak workers, leveling the relaargued that simply knowing their rights empowers of your rights, no. He violittle. "It's not because the boss is unaware tionship a He has the advantage over you if you don't lates them and you accept it. Têt Ansanm does a lot for us. They know your rights." > Beatrice explains, "Fanm our rights." and help us become unafraid, SO we can demand give us knowledge from the boss and from other Complementing this was a meeting space away issues. During who might be in league with them to discuss common coworkers to discuss problems in the Women's Committee met at least monthly its heyday, about solutions and offer support to individthe factories and would strategize ual committee members in applying them. the other training programs Women like Giselle, Lisette, and Beatrice pass The training associations. their knowledge in their neighborhood and apply in increasingly popular quantitative programs' impact is difficult to measure who read and write Kreyol, calculi, but the women's communities have leaders prevention, can basic first aid, counsel others on HIV/AIDS can administer community resources. The 2010 earthquake defend their rights, and mobilize from community leaders, SO and effective response demanded an immediate between life and death in a couple of cases. this training meant the difference does is solid, they trained us, and As Luna said, "The work Fanm Têt Ansanm neighborhood and apply in increasingly popular quantitative programs' impact is difficult to measure who read and write Kreyol, calculi, but the women's communities have leaders prevention, can basic first aid, counsel others on HIV/AIDS can administer community resources. The 2010 earthquake defend their rights, and mobilize from community leaders, SO and effective response demanded an immediate between life and death in a couple of cases. this training meant the difference does is solid, they trained us, and As Luna said, "The work Fanm Têt Ansanm --- Page 84 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS points of hope where we live.' > Fanm Têt they help us learn. We have become for first aid agents. "For example, a Ansanm trains and provides some materials Beatrice. "If it's not too serious neighbor has a headache or fever," explained them there's a certain pill you can that they have to go to the doctor you can tell and if it is serious you can make buy. If it's a mild cut you can bind it for them, for them and send them to a doctor.' > a bandage receive, but the situation could be the services they The women appreciate receive us very well, they speak to us well improved, as Marcial explained: "They In Kreyol class, if they didn't they tell us is necessary. about women. Everything when someone speaks to you. The train us we would never understand anything it is to buy you a drug, expensive clinic is totally good, but when they prescribe resolve it. > Especially in the elsewhere. So, if you have a problem, it's difficult to Factory workers who "received well" is important. context of other NGOS, being thirst because the water makes us words "would rather die of free in Marquise's water but also cold water, and they were sick," " were not only given treated was limited. The conliked, however the NGO's support to take as much as they solve local problems represents a cern about not having the support to actually and those of the medanm. disconnect between Fanm Tèt Ansanm's priorities chart, since interviews Whether this led to a rift is beyond my ability to itself, and 2006, amid a scale-up at Fanm Tèt Ansanm were conducted in 2005 Sove Lavi. In addition to these common albeit less dramatic than the one at context and violence discussed others. While the political concerns, the medanm the clinic's doors remained open services from fully functioning, kept many this up as part of my initial findings, staff pointed most days. When I brought unlike training programs. This still out that a woman's health is a primary need, Committee and the HIV/ the difference between the Women's did not explain twice during my twenty months of research, AIDS-Prevention Program. At least the regularly schedfollow-up meeting of the prevention program preempted a the "promoters" in the prevention prouled Women's Committee. In addition, while the Women's Committee stipend gram received a monthly transportation and the medanm's support members did not. Despite the cordial relationship between staff and these critiques and distance for Fanm Tèt Ansanm programs, medanm grew over time, as outlined below. the two NGOS generally have Despite these critiques of Fanm Tèt Ansanm, Tèt Ansanm is more orientation toward their aid recipients. Fanm a different Still to be discussed, however, is how cordial, engendering greater participation. to evaluate or measure this participation. "Carrying Heavy Rocks" arose as a social movement Participation in decision-making processes for peoples' needs and concerns, particularly strategy to advance marginalized critiques and distance for Fanm Tèt Ansanm programs, medanm grew over time, as outlined below. the two NGOS generally have Despite these critiques of Fanm Tèt Ansanm, Tèt Ansanm is more orientation toward their aid recipients. Fanm a different Still to be discussed, however, is how cordial, engendering greater participation. to evaluate or measure this participation. "Carrying Heavy Rocks" arose as a social movement Participation in decision-making processes for peoples' needs and concerns, particularly strategy to advance marginalized --- Page 85 --- "THAT'S NOT PARTICIPATIONI of the state (Castells 1983; Freire redistribution of power and "democratization" following the faildiscourse, particularly 1985). One of the shifts in development Participation top-down projects, was a focus on participation. ure of large-scale, through the work of the World "mainstreamed" in the 1990S, was particularly Chambers and his promotion of participatory rural Bank anthropologist Robert scholars, especially anthropoloappraisal (Hickey and Mohan 2004b:7).Several: and practice of this mainthe on-the-ground realities gists, have critiqued Cooke and Kothari 2001; Leve 2001; stream approach to participation (e.g., participatory was that mainstream Paley 2001). One particular argument theorized modinequalities because of insufficiently models failed to transform concerning gender (Cornwall 2004; els of power (Parpart 1999), particularly dominate the process (Hickey and Mansbridge 1999), and because local elites for legitthus becomes a means Mohan 2004b:13; Mohan 2001). Participation 2006; Paley 2001) and can donor priorities (Brown 2004; Hewamanne imizing (Kothari 2001). actually strengthen inequalities USAID and other donors, participation In addition to being important to campaign and main themes of Aristide's 1990 presidential was one of the three wide currency, people have Lavalas social movement. Given the term's the from "a little money" to widely divergent understandings of participation, process that can be " Donors and NGOS treat it as a simple "giving all of yourself." This represents an unrealistic and measured in a binary, yes/no tick sheet. in terms of their "results."' > unhealthy understanding of NGO projects solely result from disare: a process. In an ideal type, NGO projects Simply put, projects In a resourcein the area that generate priorities. cussions of the problems of needs can be overwhelming. starved country like Haiti, the weight and diversity as priorities at often focus on only one or a few problems But community groups and made more manageable, solua given time. Once problems are prioritized organization/ Turning ideas into action requires planning, tions can be posed. is completed local groups and execution. Ideally once a project coordination, evaluate how well they did. a snapshot (table 2.1)-a I employed To define and measure participation, of a development project. who is involved in the various stages chart outlining such stages: discussion, priorof this research, I outlined eight For the purposes execution, follow-through, and itization, conception, planning, organization, written in Kreyôl for each stage, SO evaluation. I offered a definition originally Operationally, I defined the understanding. there would be common conceptual exist in our area?" For prioritization, first "discussion" stage as, "What problems concerns?" Conception was are the most pressing it was "Make decisions-what For the purposes of the research, "What solutions exist for these problems?" available," and as "Make a plan, assess resources planning was described does what, when?" Execution "Tasks and time line finalized-who organization, to work, on the ground working." was outlined as "Put our hands together offered a definition originally Operationally, I defined the understanding. there would be common conceptual exist in our area?" For prioritization, first "discussion" stage as, "What problems concerns?" Conception was are the most pressing it was "Make decisions-what For the purposes of the research, "What solutions exist for these problems?" available," and as "Make a plan, assess resources planning was described does what, when?" Execution "Tasks and time line finalized-who organization, to work, on the ground working." was outlined as "Put our hands together --- Page 86 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS TABLE 2.1 Research Tool: Participation Snapshot Who Does the Following Steps? Donor NGOstaff Beneficiaries Discussion Prioritization Conception Planning Organization Execution Follow-through Evaluation Follow-through was defined as "Supervise work, assure that it is being done properly. > Finally, evaluation was Assess how the work was done-what worked well, what needs improvement?" While "conception" or "evaluation" may be differently defined, the terms used were of my own definition. Therefore, I employed a standardized lexicon for research participants, which proved especially useful for people who were not development professionals. To use this chart, during individual or focus group interviews, I asked people to mark with an X who completed a given step in a development project: NGO staff, donors, or aid recipients. Sometimes in the context of a larger interview, I filled in the chart based on people's answers to questions (all interviews began with life histories but included themes of strengths and weaknesses of the NGOs, participation, autonomy, and Haiti's current situation). In addition to the interviews, I also observed actual practices. Based on a composite of responses from all individual and focus group interviews, corroborated by my observations and informal check-ins with staff and volunteers, the difference in member participation in Sove Lavi and Fanm Tèt Ansanm can be represented graphically. See table 2.2, which shows the difference between the two NGOS in terms of which stakeholder group participates in the eight steps of a development project: donors, NGO staff, or beneficiaries. As table 2.2 shows, at Sove Lavi, CAC members and other aid recipients participated only in the execution of the project, and sometimes the organization. They were rarely consulted in "planning" the project, as the training that began this chapter highlights. They were just there to set up the tables and present the already-prepared discussion, and were unable to answer the most basic questions. Jennie Smith (2001:34) quoted a peasant as saying, "Participation just terms of which stakeholder group participates in the eight steps of a development project: donors, NGO staff, or beneficiaries. As table 2.2 shows, at Sove Lavi, CAC members and other aid recipients participated only in the execution of the project, and sometimes the organization. They were rarely consulted in "planning" the project, as the training that began this chapter highlights. They were just there to set up the tables and present the already-prepared discussion, and were unable to answer the most basic questions. Jennie Smith (2001:34) quoted a peasant as saying, "Participation just --- Page 87 --- "THAT'S NOT PARTICIPATIONI" TABLE 2.2 Comparison of Participation between Two NGOS in Several Project Steps Sove Lavi Fanm Têt Ansanm Donor NGO staff Beneficiaries Donor NGO staff Beneficiaries Discussion * * Prioritization * * * * * Conception * * * * Planning * * * Organization * * Execution * * * * Follow-through * * Evaluation * * * * means that we have to carry a lot of heavy rocks on our heads. 5 To the best of their knowledge, the project arose from nowhere, as Sove Lavi staff came into their area, described the program, and asked people if they wanted to participate. This ritual was repeated in every new school that Sove Lavi worked with, asking parents for their consent. Especially in remote rural areas, where there is little government or international organization presence, scarce resources, and next to no jobs, few people would oppose a program that offers such resources as tapes, pens, other educational materials, food, money, sometimes even condoms or other birth control methods, and in some cases a youth center complete with satellite Internet and television. "We count on you; you are the only ones who have ever come to see us," > a community leader said at a planning meeting. While community members, especially young women, may individually actively support the idea of bringing educational resources, and many like Danielle have personal stories testifying to the importance of HIV education, this consent needs to be understood as "participation under control" (Regan 2003:10), or managed consent (Gramsci 1971). After the training described at the beginning of this chapter, Sove Lavi held a meeting to plan the following month's activities. Regarding CAC members' participation, they were given a choice of dates for hosting community education forums, and had to sign the attendance roster in order to receive their stipends. There was no space for member questions, and the words members spoke in public were "yes" or"no," or a date and time. As mentioned above, CAC members did not like this approach, seeing it as betraying a lack of respect. consent (Gramsci 1971). After the training described at the beginning of this chapter, Sove Lavi held a meeting to plan the following month's activities. Regarding CAC members' participation, they were given a choice of dates for hosting community education forums, and had to sign the attendance roster in order to receive their stipends. There was no space for member questions, and the words members spoke in public were "yes" or"no," or a date and time. As mentioned above, CAC members did not like this approach, seeing it as betraying a lack of respect. --- Page 88 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS rendered moot as USAID had pulled their funding Incidentally, this meeting was mission did not know about this Front-line staff who went on the for the project. "I Ididn't know that it was our shift. Said the team leader Mme Auguste, funding Meetings that were planned last day. I thought we had time to resume again." would Sove Lavi break these and were broken. Why never took place, promises I offer some clues in the following chapters. promises? one of Sove Lavi's key programs For an example of the lack of participation, conducted prewith community groups and schools. This group was education knowledge of HIV transmission and preand post-tests evaluating participants' being faithful, or condom vention, focusing on the "ABC" method-ebstinence, had just scored above At one location in the provinces, all participants use. had returned to Pôtoprens in their SUV, percent on the test. Sove Lavi staff members. As the dust settled, I asked peoplebut I stayed on to talk with CAC methods of HIV prevention they praccommunity trainers themselves-what "My friend, we would very the group burst into laughter. ticed. Immediately, " Djoni began. "But they never give us conmuch like to practice HIV prevention," and their staff, they could at least doms. With all the money they spend on gas I retorted, * But you tell no?" Being naive and an anthropologist, give us condoms, round of Speaking " abstinence," triggering another laughter. people to practice the chance to finish her thought: "They over others, Danielle was finally given sex. We're okay with not not have sex. We tell other people not to have tell us to here, we don't have the ability to refuse sex having sex. But for many women we need to feed our famwants to. Even ifit'sj just a couple pennies, when a man economic capacity." > Almost everyone ilies. They should focus on reinforcing our their specific suggestions. chimed in, wanting to add to this analysis, adding knowledge, don't forMaxime argued, "If we are thinking about giving someone when the person is hunsaid that the knowledge can't advance get that Ialready there is." Several CAC members pointed gry. And hunger is the biggest illness (the empty sack does not the Kreyol proverb, sak vid pa kanpe this out, citing for a revolving loan fund to create new stand up). CAC members outlined a plan activity center that youth small businesses as well as a revenue-generating these suggestions to Sove cultural events to the area. They brought > would bring and nothing ever happens. but "nothing happened. All these promises Lavi staff, reasons for this. Reflecting on their In the following chapters I explain a couple collaboration. Our interests Maxime said, "For us, there isn't a real experience, common. Do you see what I am telling you?" are not their interests, they aren't That's 'do [this] for me. 59 Djoni was more direct: "That's not participation! committees and other medanm contrast, members of Fanm Tèt Ansanm By the second rung in the "ladder of participation" participated in agenda setting, because of previous advocacy on the part (e.g., Hart 1997). Most programs existed and the Women's Committee. medanm: the clinic, the course on legal rights, of the topics, such as during the OFATMA campaign. Members had input on the journal 't That's 'do [this] for me. 59 Djoni was more direct: "That's not participation! committees and other medanm contrast, members of Fanm Tèt Ansanm By the second rung in the "ladder of participation" participated in agenda setting, because of previous advocacy on the part (e.g., Hart 1997). Most programs existed and the Women's Committee. medanm: the clinic, the course on legal rights, of the topics, such as during the OFATMA campaign. Members had input on the journal --- Page 89 --- "THAT'S NOT PARTICIPATIONI asking the publicly Committee engaged in another campaign, The Women's low-cost alternatives for company Service Plus to provide subsidized transport OFATMA campaign, home from work. Like the more-successful workers to get Lisette discusses another, even more the NGO journal was central to this effort. on March 8 in in the journal: "We published a journal successful campaign We called on all the brave women, all honor of International Women's Day. minimum wage. Because of of conscience, to protest the thirty-six-goud women increased it to seventy goud." In other words, our efforts, [the government] than simply execution, including primembers participated in more processes in table 2.I was a useful The simple chart presented oritization and conception. between Sove Lavi and Fanm Têt differences in participation tool to document differences can be questioned and theorizedAnsanm. Once documented, the which the following chapters offer. Similarities "I Need to Be Able to Help Myself": Fanm Têt Ansanm and Sove Lavi, there are imporDespite differences between both cases is that volunteer similarities. One thing that was true across tant of their own participation than do the leaders have a different understanding who write reports to donors-state donors--and directors NGO staff. Typically, in several aspects of the development projthat their beneficiaries participate or actual belief, this stands ect. Whether this was rhetoric, lack of information, they do not feel themselves see the situation: in contrast to how aid recipients was conceived or and say in how the project that they had much ownership decisions about interventions. organized, let alone setting priorities or making difference of this perspectives. The snapshot tool was useful to document case) used by aid recipients to assess particiBecause it can be (and was, in my most statistically oriented, pation, this tool allows a polyvocality missing from the director or NGO research, where one voice (usually often donor-funded, In addition to real-world or perdesignee) speaks for the entire organization. spin-especially to to cover up problems or provide positive ceived pressures know what goes on in the field or after hours. donors-directors might not in position or social location While intuitive, it bears noting that differences donors and NGO leadership understanding. As table 2.3 shows, shape people's in more steps in the development project believe that beneficiaries participate and NGO directors believe that than the beneficiaries do themselves. Donors the latter only far more than they did themselves, the aid recipients participated execution-in other words, "carrying heavy feeling that they participated during projects seemed to appear rocks.' > It is also interesting that to the aid recipients, of problems or priornot having arisen from a discussion from out of nowhere, As Marie-Ange said, "They This may not be far from how some NGOS operate. ities. in their truck and asked to meet with community just showed up. They came ieve that beneficiaries participate and NGO directors believe that than the beneficiaries do themselves. Donors the latter only far more than they did themselves, the aid recipients participated execution-in other words, "carrying heavy feeling that they participated during projects seemed to appear rocks.' > It is also interesting that to the aid recipients, of problems or priornot having arisen from a discussion from out of nowhere, As Marie-Ange said, "They This may not be far from how some NGOS operate. ities. in their truck and asked to meet with community just showed up. They came --- Page 90 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS TABLE 2.3 Different Perspectives on Participation between NGO Leadership and Beneficiaries Donor/director perceptions Beneficiary perceptions NGO NGO Donor staff Beneficiaries Donor staff Beneficiaries Discussion * Prioritization * Conception * * * * Planning * * * * Organization * * Execution * * * * Follow-through * * * Evaluation * * * * leaders. People pointed them in my direction, SO they talked with me. I agreed with what they were trying to do, SO I became involved. > Over time, NGOs' appearing with premade projects adds to citizens' distrust, as NGOS present themselves as parallel states. This distrust is noted in the expression "NGO class" discussed above. Why did committee members at Fanm Tèt Ansanm, which I characterized as facilitating greater aid-recipient participation, say that they feel like they are only carrying heavy rocks? First of all, it is worth pointing out that several current staff like Leonie began contact with Fanm Têt Ansanm as a volunteer. Leonie was among the group of people pushing for new directions. Whyt then did current aid recipients not feel the same? There are two potential explanations. First, socioeconomic differences between staff and aid recipients color people's perceptions. Second, like all models, the chart I used has weaknesses, including that it presents information as if it were ahistorical. That is what is meant by a "snapshot"-it flattens and then fixes an image, freezing it in time. Had I been there earlier, I could have given two such snapshots, comparing Fanm Têt Ansanm several Iyears apart. A different story emerges because NGOS, like everything else, change over time. In a follow-up meeting I had with Fanm Têt Ansanm in September 2006, aid recipients critiqued the lack of progress on their ideas and initiatives, such as staff support for obtaining legal documents, support for neighborhood associations, transport, a community cash box based on a sol model for when the women need medical care, and SO forth. They , freezing it in time. Had I been there earlier, I could have given two such snapshots, comparing Fanm Têt Ansanm several Iyears apart. A different story emerges because NGOS, like everything else, change over time. In a follow-up meeting I had with Fanm Têt Ansanm in September 2006, aid recipients critiqued the lack of progress on their ideas and initiatives, such as staff support for obtaining legal documents, support for neighborhood associations, transport, a community cash box based on a sol model for when the women need medical care, and SO forth. They --- Page 91 --- "THAT'S NOT PARTICIPATIONI In December 2006 the Women's lamented their lack of real participation. to Fanm Têt presented these and other suggestions Committee formally similar to that of the including that members receive a stipend is Ansanm, Said one, "The Women's Committee meeting HIVIAIDS-Prevention Program. again we will meet with staff to find the thirtieth. When the office opens set for this year and suggest how things can out if the committee is still happening at not receiving and the frustration improve." The lack of communication, felt were simple demands, from what Women's Committee members with answers causing some to question their relationship colored their experiences, Lavi's CAC members, as Josette Fanm Tèt Ansanm in similar ways to Sove These things need to explained: "The salary we get is 250 goud [$6.25]. we need little there we need to take a tap-tap. When we appear, change. To get [kourajl to help other people, I need to be bread and cola. IfI give you my energy but you need to pay for as well. You pay for the transport, able to help myself has hope!" that she will than that. From the time I leave home, everyone more has been disbanded since home with money." " The Women's Committee come Tèt Ansanm became like other NGOS offering 2007. Actually, as of 2009, Fanm Given this, and the increasing their services about HIV/AIDS in the provinces. that was of committee members, it is clear participation intensity of complaints like Josette identified the AIDS-preveneroding further. Committee members Ansanm (notice her use of the "work" that they do for Fanm Têt tion program as effort. This is a further in the above quote), and not as a volunteer word "salary" and with Fanm Têt Ansanm's disaffiliation as "members" clue into volunteers' highlighting how even a generally open NGO priorities of HIV/AIDS prevention, is. and how fragile genuine local participation can change notions of participation do not account As this chapter clearly shows, simplistic robust understanding of grounded, for local realities. A more ethnographically with local communibased on the relationships NGOS engender that participation While Sove Lavi's donors deemed the training ties allows us to move ahead. understandings and the chapter a success, its ability to change people's in endbegan was very limited. If we are to succeed critiques of the HIV/AIDS industry Haiti, our efforts need toinclude ing this disease, or rebuild an earthquake-torn in this chapter offers a chalThe snapshot model provided real participation. to measure their improvement. lenge to NGOS to do SO, and a self-assessment for the different levels remain, however: What accounts Several questions in Sove Lavi and Fanm Têt Ansanm? What of aid-recipient participation seen within Sove Lavi, like arriving late or accounts for the bureaucratic blockages for the gradual erosion certificates for their work? What accounts not receiving Fanm Têt Ansanm? For some answers, in the of community participation within "inside" the NGOs. chapter I turn to a discussion of the relationships following their improvement. lenge to NGOS to do SO, and a self-assessment for the different levels remain, however: What accounts Several questions in Sove Lavi and Fanm Têt Ansanm? What of aid-recipient participation seen within Sove Lavi, like arriving late or accounts for the bureaucratic blockages for the gradual erosion certificates for their work? What accounts not receiving Fanm Têt Ansanm? For some answers, in the of community participation within "inside" the NGOs. chapter I turn to a discussion of the relationships following --- Page 92 --- All in the Family Relationships "Inside" We are a family here, That doesn't time to time. mean we don't have conflicts from -Mme Auguste, Sove Lavi May 20, Tiuredoy 2004 8:36 P.M. The chairs were all drowned occupied, SO people sat on the desks out the as well. shouting across the room. Laughter Mme Dominique, the Everyone was still waiting for both there. It director, to emerge from her office. Even the was Thursday, the end of the workweek. doctors were literacy training session was In the other direction, the Giselle, who directed just getting out. Some of the medanm the clinic. She peered up from her visited with work, but smiled as the medanm streamed computer, still trying to away, long in. All of Giselle's coworkers having turned off their computers. chatted Leonie stared at the birthday cake, unlike Mme smiling. It was actually her Dominique, whose was a couple of birthday, has a monthly birthday celebration weeks ago. Fanm Têt Ansanm begun for all staff born that month. working with them almost fifteen Leonie had Ansanm began. She was one of the years ago, a couple years after Fanm Têt one of their first volunteer first women who frequented the center and leaders. As Fanm Têt ing and increased their Ansanm attracted more fundprograms, Leonie was one of the first new Flanking Leonie were the other people hired. all of them had similar stories people who worked in the back office: of being rescued from working in the displaying some particular talent or factories by Ansanm. The other ti pèsonnèl leadership abilities to work for Fanm Têt to carve up the cake and ("small" personnel, manual laborers) stood serve the syrupy-sweet ready They joked with one another, in Couronne "cola champagne. . one corner of the room. Finally, Mme Dominique came out of her office and Vanessa, Mme Dominique's gave Leonie a hug. getting late. She didn't have personal to secretary, chastised everyone that it was remind people about the dangers of arriving --- Page 93 --- ALL IN THE FAMILY months since Aristide was forced out, and home after dark. It hadn't been three after Vanessa spoke, cloud of fear still hung low over everyone. Immediately with a a version of "Happy Birthday" that ended everyone sang a three-language cake," > which Monique, a housekeepFrench phrase for "come on, let's cut the ing worker, did. people talking with celebration itself lasted all of ten minutes-mostly The scattered to make it home. The ti pèsonnèl their closest colleagues-then people receiving the same packages of the cake to send home, with everyone while Mme prepared girls. Leonie took a bigger slice amount except for the two birthday declined. making a comment about her waistline, Dominique, including Leonie, left to pack the company Just as four of the ti pèsonnèl, and three middle-office staff off en route, the doctors truck to be dropped She hugged each one of them, people each gave a present to Mme Dominique. of them who had recently all the boxes one by one. One and then opened back a souvenir. The other in Mexico brought returned from a conference purchased at one of the gifts-household items like glasses and plates-were there would be stores, judging by the gift wrap. Dominique, including Leonie, left to pack the company Just as four of the ti pèsonnèl, and three middle-office staff off en route, the doctors truck to be dropped She hugged each one of them, people each gave a present to Mme Dominique. of them who had recently all the boxes one by one. One and then opened back a souvenir. The other in Mexico brought returned from a conference purchased at one of the gifts-household items like glasses and plates-were there would be stores, judging by the gift wrap. Everyone high-end grocery have to rush to make it home. driving his or her own car and SO didn't around for the present ceremony. A few of the other staff people had stayed the Leonie got nothing but all were enthralled with gifts. None said anything card from the whole office. except for a single for the remaining people Jimmy, the driver, honked the horn, signaling said come outside and get in the truck. People getting a wou lib (free ride) to cake tucked under their arm their good-byes, with their paper-towel-wrapped or in their purse. and Martha, the guard and one Within five minutes, everyone but François It remained light a staff who lived nearby, had left the office. of the custodial and people needed to get home. François little longer, but still night was falling the remaining bottles of put everything away and shared and Martha quickly soda before leaving. realities within the office. Staff the multiple, conflicting This story highlights closely knit but people also celebrated within clearly shared a sense of being called "intimate segregation." separate spheres, what Jesse Mumm (2008) next to exclusion Discourses and practices of sharing equally sat uncomfortably the same slice of beneath the surface. lived nearby, had left the office. of the custodial and people needed to get home. François little longer, but still night was falling the remaining bottles of put everything away and shared and Martha quickly soda before leaving. realities within the office. Staff the multiple, conflicting This story highlights closely knit but people also celebrated within clearly shared a sense of being called "intimate segregation." separate spheres, what Jesse Mumm (2008) next to exclusion Discourses and practices of sharing equally sat uncomfortably the same slice of beneath the surface. While everyone got and privilege just the same is not true of private resources. cake, sharing the public goods equally, middle class in their middle-office staff and the doctors, all solidly before Tellingly, waited until most of the ti pèsonnèl left education and economic status, of times, people in lowertheir gifts with Mme Dominique. A couple without sharing forced to wait for superiors: the party couldn'tstart status positions were --- Page 94 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS and the ti pèsonnèl had to wait for their lift Mme Dominique, for example, the *front-office staff" private party was finished. home until "Tout moun se moun, men tout moun pa menm" between discourses of family and realities This chapter explores the connection between "backstage" and "onstage" manifestations of the difference The of hierarchy, 2006:58; Rossi 2006:47; Sharma 2008). discourses within NGOS (Doolittle hidden (albeit not very well), expresprivate gifts were a form of privilege kept menm": every- "Tout moun se moun, men tout moun pa sions of the Haitian proverb dehumanization), but not (an important corrective to pervasive one is a person and inequality are pervasive in everyone is the same. Forces of centralization which is all too apparent in the country. Haiti is an extremely divided society, of French as a means to segregation, the use the residential and educational indicators. This inequality can't and many other exclude the poor majority, this, the two NGOS have different help but effect the work of NGOS. Despite While far from perfect, Fanm to this inequality and social exclusion. responses that temporarily suspended hierarchy, Tèt Ansanm at least had ritual spaces Lavi did not even celebrate least within the official public sphere. Sove at for that of its director, Mme Versailles. birthdays in the office, except de of how NGOS' dailyi interactions-what This chapter provides an account of daily life"-emerge from calls le quotidien, the "practice Certeau (1984, 1998) (Bourdieu 1980, 1990). As habitus and augment this inequality an inegalitarian and others (e.g., Yang 1999) Hancock (1999, 2006), Setha Low (2000, 2006), a Mary structured in spatial design and practice. Therefore, have argued, inequality is of the two NGO offices provides the detailed description of the architecture in day-to-day interhow inequality is structured scaffolding for understanding this chapter presents a "typical" day actions within them. Using this scaffolding, the interactions between in the office, from morning to afternoon, highlighting divisions within the staff that become visible. the various and observation of interactionsBoth approaches-a spatial analysis making possible a comparison highlight many aspects of hierarchy and autonomy, NGOS' internal inequality Fanm Tèt Ansanm and Sove Lavi. The two between with Sove Lavi demonstrably more inegalitarian and centralization are different, differences in hierarchy begin to and centralized than Fanm Têt Ansanm. These within the NGOS noted the observable differences in local participation explain in the previous chapter. Fanm Têt Ansanm (low-income or "popular" office is situated in a katye popilè Fanm Têt Ansanm's also live and work. Their location thus neighborhood) where the medanm Fanm Tèt Ansanm and Sove Lavi. The two between with Sove Lavi demonstrably more inegalitarian and centralization are different, differences in hierarchy begin to and centralized than Fanm Têt Ansanm. These within the NGOS noted the observable differences in local participation explain in the previous chapter. Fanm Têt Ansanm (low-income or "popular" office is situated in a katye popilè Fanm Têt Ansanm's also live and work. Their location thus neighborhood) where the medanm --- Page 95 --- ALL IN THE FAMILY At the time of my fieldwork, the office was divided facilitates much direct contact. clinic, administrazones, with varying degrees of interaction: into five distinct and janitors' closets. These spaces tive office, program office, training rooms, revolving around the with the center predictably were arranged hierarchically, farthest in distance-in literal and administrative offices, with ti pèsonnèl distinct zones structured senses-from the center. These relatively While these metaphoric cooperation, and interdependence. a high degree of interaction, discussed in the previous relatively autonomous, the ritual practice zones were this interdependence chapter-the annual commemeanter-@ocnbed the hierarchy, at least with the temporary effect of flattening and cooperation, of Victor Turner's (1969) communitas. ideologically, reminiscent Outside the Office office is in the chapter, Fanm Têt Ansanm's As mentioned in the previous President Aristide made export-processing zone by the international airport. it (like the airport renovation of the road to the airport a priority, renaming and proLouverture, leader of the slave insurrection itself) after Toussaint for a few potholes, the road stuck out genitor of Haiti's independence." Except tropical plants paved, divided by a median sprouting in that it was entirely bushes). Also shooting up were some (e.g., coconut trees, banana trees, flowery preparing for some future of Haiti's only traffic lights at the time, optimistically full of several busily painted would light them. The road is era when electricity routes, filled to the gills with factory tap-tap of many kinds, for many different fare, people standing or who can afford the five-goud workers and supervisors Private vehicles, often large SUVS, transhanging on (called sèso, "coat hanger"). trucks often haul gasoand owners to work. In addition, freight port managers bolts of fabric to be sent to the factories line, tires, produce from the provinces, underwear, baseballs, baseball to be cut and sewed, and boxes of shirts, jeans, United States. During the to be shipped back to the caps, and other products white "UN" (written in English) tanks and time I conducted fieldwork, a fleet of Vehicles drive fast, many of which, armored personnel carriers often zoomed by. In suddenly veer to drop off or pick up more passengers." especially the tap-tap, march of skirt-clad factory workers the mornings and the afternoons, a steady from work. Luck, prayer, and a lined both sides of the streets, walking to and traffic did not often to cross the busy street, as lights good sprint were required work at that time (2003-2005). must leave Boulevard Toussaint To get to Fanm Têt Ansanm's office, one the dry seasons, this trek Louverture and turn off one of the side streets. During the rainy the road is made of boulders and mud. During is a little easier, as the roads without soiling one's shoes seasons, in fall and spring, navigating stands-and often their four-inch mud pool is often difficult. Timachann in a leftover cinderblock pieces, and homes, made of found objects, wooden poles, 3-2005). must leave Boulevard Toussaint To get to Fanm Têt Ansanm's office, one the dry seasons, this trek Louverture and turn off one of the side streets. During the rainy the road is made of boulders and mud. During is a little easier, as the roads without soiling one's shoes seasons, in fall and spring, navigating stands-and often their four-inch mud pool is often difficult. Timachann in a leftover cinderblock pieces, and homes, made of found objects, wooden poles, --- Page 96 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS despite the government's action to prepare tarp-lined both sides of the street, the two rows of brick for Haiti's January I, 2004, bicentennial by bulldozing foot. to work is a I traveled this road by Coming structures. Like most people, in small talk about their relaone another, engage social affair, as people greet debate about the rising gas prices, the price tives, or engage in conversation and from radyo tranndè (rumor the general insecurity, or the latest news for rice, who is which variation of Walking to work, people can see preparing mill). burning and the helpers busy the charcoal fires already beans, rice, or corn, the key limes for lemonade. chopping the meat, grating the coconut, or washing sold hard candy, crackers, more recently arrived timachann In between, poorer, demands attention but who cannot or other snacks for those whose hunger afford a full lunch plate. Fanm Têt Ansanm' 'S Lakou There were four disleased an unused portion of a factory. Fanm Têt Ansanm courtyard about twenty-five feet wide tinct zones to the office. A cobblestone iron double gate that swings and forty feet deep sat right behind the painted into, the courtyard most roads in Haiti and the driveway that it opens open. Like housed a small fleet of dusty. During the workday, the courtyard was usually which the guard washed from water dripping private and company vehicles, the courtyard, a chain-link fence from the tank atop the roof. On one side of over. Flowers were Fanm Têt Ansanm's space from the next factory in pots separated other sides, and an assortment of saplings grew planted along the Fanm Têt Ansanm's most public rituals, made from expired five-gallon water jugs. chapter, occurred in the celebrations described in the previous the annual buildings flanked both sides of the cinder-block courtyard. Two brightly painted the administrative offices The clinic stood to the right upon entrance, courtyard. and most of the classrooms to the left. machinery began for while the hum of the nearby factories' In the morning, in the Fanm Têt Ansanm office. The the day, the ti pèsonnèl are the only ones generator) the water tanks, fills the dèlko ("Delco," a gas-powered guard fills3 out the courtyard. Others are with oil and diesel, primes it for use, and sweeps the desks and computdust off the tile floors, wiping it off in sweepingyesterdays for coffee, juice, and lunch. Four of them come ers, and preparing the kitchen flag and the phrase pickup emblazoned with a Japanese the green company of Japan) on both doors. The empty "don du peuple de Japon" (gift of the people local outlet, replaced by full are taken out and walked over to the water jugs staff begin to stream in, depending on jugs. Beginning around 8:30, the "day" travel difficult or long, and depending on whether violence made traffic, The inverter is turned on when the administrator depending on familial duties. other administrative assistants arrives SO she can work on her computer. Two letters and on, and go to work preparing also arrive, turn their computers on both doors. The empty "don du peuple de Japon" (gift of the people local outlet, replaced by full are taken out and walked over to the water jugs staff begin to stream in, depending on jugs. Beginning around 8:30, the "day" travel difficult or long, and depending on whether violence made traffic, The inverter is turned on when the administrator depending on familial duties. other administrative assistants arrives SO she can work on her computer. Two letters and on, and go to work preparing also arrive, turn their computers --- Page 97 --- ALL IN THE FAMILY calls. In addition to people being away reports and attempting to return phone difficult bythe sorry state of the from their office, in Haiti this task is made more chauffeur on call that day with the phone system.4 4 The administrator arranges or drop-offs of materineed to be sent to, what pickups what meetings people and by when. When the electricity supplies need to be done, als, mail, or office water, and the refrigerators are is washed in boiling is on, medical equipment blood samples, or food, items, such as solutions, turned on to store necessary lunch. and a block of water to turn into ice for the employees' of stairs and come the main office one must walk up a half flight To get into front door often broils because of the to a small concrete landing. The metal foreign anthroFirst-time visitors and slow-to-learn sun, sometimes stuck ajar. triggering a twipes from Michaëlle, pologists often fail to close the door entirely, offender that the air condiclosest to the door, reminding the all the secretary sticker, or sheet of paper adorned nearly tioner is running. A poster, bumper that a life without violence is surfaces. Newcomers were given the message job men are, that right, that women are capable of doing any every woman's and that Fanm Têt Ansanm has been around justice and peace work together, about women's rights, workers' time, participating in conferences a long health, AIDS, violence, and development. Michaëlle rights, population issues, wooden desk that supchair with wheels at a large, L-shaped sat on a cushioned Rolodex, and a black, ten-line phone. Hovering ports a computer, printer, large cabinets that traverse the length of the over the desk is a row of locked, built-in with an A/C unit and usually front office. To her left is a large picture window closed blinds. had a similar setup as Michaëlle, a large, Mme Dupuy, the administrator, Rolodex, simple phone, and typeL-shaped Formica desk and computer, a large the door was a very old Mme Dupuy's desk on the way out writer. Opposite the person has to manually reload the copier. If double-sided copies are desired, only allowed to be on often triggering a jam. The copier was generally d'Haîti) was copier, the state-run electricity (Electricité when they "had EDH"-when of fieldwork, frontsometimes with the dèlko. At the beginning my onf-but wired for the Internet, a dial-up modem. office computers were the only ones much faster, satellite-based the end of my fieldwork, they had switched to a By work when the sky was too cloudy, service that nonetheless did not properly allocation at the network whenever there was a dip in the average electricity or and Mme Dupuy are friendly, but they usually provider's office. Michaëlle in conversation with one worked on their own. Occasionally they engage when they the director, especially on Fridays another or Mme Dominique, In contrast to the business of the and the ti pèsonnèl are the only staff working. orientation, the atmosproclaiming a women's empowerment walls explicitly in Haitian NGO offices (I have visited more phere is calm and relaxed, both rare than thirty before 2007). enever there was a dip in the average electricity or and Mme Dupuy are friendly, but they usually provider's office. Michaëlle in conversation with one worked on their own. Occasionally they engage when they the director, especially on Fridays another or Mme Dominique, In contrast to the business of the and the ti pèsonnèl are the only staff working. orientation, the atmosproclaiming a women's empowerment walls explicitly in Haitian NGO offices (I have visited more phere is calm and relaxed, both rare than thirty before 2007). --- Page 98 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS office as one walks in the door was a large picture To the left of the front office, which was covered by a curtain. This was Mme Dominique's window windows dominated three walls, darker and cooler than everywhere else. Large and middle offices, built the outside and two into other offices, the front one to floor. Curtains always covered these latter supervision of the factory to facilitate for exclusive use by Mme Dominique windows. The other wall had a restroom has a large swivel staff when she was away. Mme Dominique and front-office of her family and usually piles of desk, with pictures chair and a large, L-shaped Têt Ansanm has a generic "professional" file folders. The entrée into Fanm bureaucracies (Abramson demeanor, reminiscent of "Western" Taylorist office was reproduced in the Sampson 1996:146). This professionalism 1999:241; frontline staff's daily work rhythm. Middle Office and the middle-office staff Beginning around ten o'clock, Mme Dominique arrive, the mood usually streaming in, most in their own cars. When they tasks of begin of both, depending on the big becomes lively, chaotic, or a mixture desk, usually exchange others on their way to their they the day. As people pass when a man and a woman, meet up for the greetings. In Haiti, when women, or touch cheeks and hello by a til bo (little kiss), as they first time in a day, they say impolite, a sign of a problem orkiss in the air.7 Failure to do SO is considered favorites, triggering jealespecially if one is an outsider and a male-choosing seemed obligatory to the time I was in Fanm Têt Ansanm, it often would ousy. During or heard about, to which coworkers recite dangers people saw, ran into, difficult situations or with twipe and say "Mezanmil" Some days, in particularly full-fledged brase lide events, salutations would become particularly noteworthy would contribute her story or analysis, (stirring ideas) where everyone present levels, punctuated by and the volume of the conversation would reach shouting for a half brase lide, often lasting These spontaneous laughter or 0-0 (uh-oh!). most of what I know about were the classrooms in which Ilearned hour or more, and especially the contemporary crisis. Kreyôl, Haitian culture, history, space, home to the The middle office was a crowded, awkward, L-shaped educa- (clinic, health education, human development four program directors the Kowodinasyon Kolejyal (Collegial tion, and communication) who make up for the agency, and their two Coordination), who make programmatic decisions to maximize Seven desks, all but one with a phone, are arranged support staff. and also facilitating conversation efficiency, sharing otherwise crowded space the middle office to the other. An aisle led through by people facing one another of this aisle, with three staff sat to the right back office. The communications of this area changed every SO often, desks for two people. The configuration The assistant when one or another of the staff got a new computer. especially worked on a computer SO old was the first to get a new computer. Her supervisor who make programmatic decisions to maximize Seven desks, all but one with a phone, are arranged support staff. and also facilitating conversation efficiency, sharing otherwise crowded space the middle office to the other. An aisle led through by people facing one another of this aisle, with three staff sat to the right back office. The communications of this area changed every SO often, desks for two people. The configuration The assistant when one or another of the staff got a new computer. especially worked on a computer SO old was the first to get a new computer. Her supervisor --- Page 99 --- ALL IN THE FAMILY sent to the back office when she got another that it ran Windows 95, which was religious leader) communications director-a manbo (traditional one. Edele, the dashikis or blue dreadlocks and who usually wears African-inspired with long design and supposedly develop jeans-received a new Macintosh to do graphic dominating a FrenchMartin looked down at them, his image a website. Ricky " until someone covered it up with a language poster saying, "AIDS concerns me, was a bookshelf with discussed women's rights. To the right Kreyôl poster that most of them dating to the 1980S, and a many dusty reports and manuscripts, towels (sometimes), a roll of washroom with running water (sometimes), paper and an small mirror on the door. toilet paper, Mme Dominique's adminImmediately to the left of the aisle was Vanessa, knickknacks son shared the desk with istrative assistant. Photos of Vanessa's succulents. Unlike the others, abroad and a couple of small purchased on trips Her computer was one of the Vanessa's 's desk was relatively free of paperwork. Windows 95, which often in the middle office, which also ran first computers hooked up to a printer. Vanessa was usually the gave her problems and was not custodians to arrive, and she worked quifirst person aside from the guard and however, as she often performed by herself. She was often not at her desk, office etly Vanessa's job was to order specific tasks to assist Mme Dominique. occasionally meet with funding supplies and materials for the celebrations, A divorcée, she representatives, and assist with sending off correspondence. desk when she left attentive to male visitors. Vanessa locked her was especially version of the Jehovah's dropping the French-language the office, occasionally her duty to save a colleague from Satan. Witness Watchtower on Edele's desk as was next to Vanessa. Like Jonette, the AIDS-prevention program supervisor, made of wood. Jonette's desks, hers was plain and not the other remaining stack of file folders because she had the desk and even her chair had the largest through my fieldwork). To to write (she got a computer midway most reports of the noisiest and least effective airJonette's right was a window and one fans, of varying age Three oscillating conditioning units I have ever encountered. last moved them. The other changed position depending on who and quality, of folders and foreign-purchased workspaces had their piles two supervisors' sat at her desk, these four faced one trinkets, but no computer. If everyone atmosphere. On a rickety desk facilitating conversation and a convivial another, and color ink-jet, the printer of choice in the corner sat a communal computer or wedding/funeral profor photos of themselves, children, spouses/boyfriends. research on topics varying This was a favored spot to conduct Internet e-mail or grams. transmission to Elvis song lyrics, to check from mother-to-child AIDS But this computer also instant messaging, or to play a backgammon game. and annual service memory, with monthly, quarterly, hosted the institutional and programs from past statistics, reports, guides to the training programs, whoever sat at this station events. During the mornings and early afternoons, in the corner sat a communal computer or wedding/funeral profor photos of themselves, children, spouses/boyfriends. research on topics varying This was a favored spot to conduct Internet e-mail or grams. transmission to Elvis song lyrics, to check from mother-to-child AIDS But this computer also instant messaging, or to play a backgammon game. and annual service memory, with monthly, quarterly, hosted the institutional and programs from past statistics, reports, guides to the training programs, whoever sat at this station events. During the mornings and early afternoons, --- Page 100 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS institutional business and to be working on the most pressing was presumed could command others' attention. annual report was due, or a representaWhenever a monthly, quarterly, or scheduled to visit, the tive from one of Fanm Tèt Ansanm's donor groups was front-office staff, one of chaotic. In addition to the director and the mood was director) was usually glued to her computer the middle-office staff (a program a file, a number, a date, or a and shouted for people to help her find something: "Things here aren't Giselle, one of the middle-office staff, reported, word. As around stopped what they street." * Most often, other people done in a one-way would shout for someone to fetch to lend a hand, or they, in turn, were doing the back office, or to get paper for the document or file from the clinic or some from the printer. If there were no ti pèsonnèl printer, or to grab the document make myself useful, but usually it around to make a delivery, I would try and used the interto me what they needed, SO they took people too long to explain in their comings and occasionally ran into one another com phone. People Sometimes there would be a quick, highgoings to help out their coworker. was resolved. Most of the followed by laughter as soon as it pitched argument, (one helping the other) way, with reports were composed in this youn-ede-lôt a of drafts of any them. Usually, there were at least couple manyl hands touching staff people would read the draft and given report, and the other middle-office made. When the report was finally that needed to be shout out corrections everyone she had finished. The ready, the staff in charge would celebrate, telling since many times to the printer, saved and saved again, final copy was sent discharge and the power would cut out. The while working, the inverter would walk over herself, pick (person in charge) would with great ceremony If it responsab into the front office to give it to Mme Dominique. up the report, and walk didn't wait. She would come into the urgent, Mme Dominique was particularly and wave to everyone, and then she would middle office, offering a quick hello Mme Dominique often ask where the report was. Despite the air conditioner, cloth as out of Vogue. colored, sleeveless dresses, as often kente wore brightly Fanm Têt Ansanm's communications center, Arguably, the middle office is and individualist work interaction. In contrast to the demure the site for lively office is usually spirited and collaborative. style of the front office, the middle summoned into the front office, While middle-office people were occasionally office to make their requests, often front-office staff went to the middle more atypical for hierarchically based organizations. Back Office staff members arrive. All except for Beginning around I o'clock, the "back office" greatly on traffic. job, SO the actual time of arrival depended one had a morning beginning around noon, when dense during the school year Traffic is especially this "normal" situation, pick their children up from school. Aggravating parents collaborative. style of the front office, the middle summoned into the front office, While middle-office people were occasionally office to make their requests, often front-office staff went to the middle more atypical for hierarchically based organizations. Back Office staff members arrive. All except for Beginning around I o'clock, the "back office" greatly on traffic. job, SO the actual time of arrival depended one had a morning beginning around noon, when dense during the school year Traffic is especially this "normal" situation, pick their children up from school. Aggravating parents --- Page 101 --- ALL IN THE FAMILY much more chaotic and unpredictable blokis the political situation created do not arrive until much later (traffic jams). So back-office staff sometimes office are the direct contact o'clock). The women who work in the back (three four basic training prowho facilitatethe: with the medanm: they yare"monitors" written handouts-and grams. Their job is to prepare lessons-some prepared styles. Some monilead discussion. The four have different pedagogical then to than others, which might depend on the tors have a more hands-on approach modeled after Paulo is deliberately subject material. The literacy program the factory women read ofthe Oppressed. For example, Freire's (1985) Pedagogy women, or they read sections of histories actually written by other factory life their civic and political rights. By conthe labor code or constitution addressing information is factual, and the montrast, much of the women's health seminar and writes out definitions of itor does a bit more lecturing, and draws diagrams and tries to put the discussion terms. The monitor does ask questions, however, workers-for example, by disof the lived experience of the factory in a context lack of health care if a given the difficulties associated with a primary care cussing followed by a question about why health symptom is not treated right away, is out of their reach. it was the site for most trainings. The back office was the largest, as times when all four training of staff reminisced about less insecure to A couple According to Giselle, "People are afraid programs would run concurrently. home after dark. You never To come here for a training is to risk getting come. in these times. > The women's health seminar know what is going to happen used. The room was painted cinabove the clinic when other spaces are occurs on the walls, many of them made by derblock, with literally dozens of posters Fanm Tèt Ansanm events. One hand at Fanm Têt Ansanm, including photos of the Dominican dictator the Maribal sisters, who were all killed by poster shows by the International on November 25, 1960, and commemorated Rafael Trujillo Against Women. Day for the Elimination of Violence random assortments of items, trainers each had a desk with The four bought in Haiti, or items from someone on a mostly personal memorabilia, gifts computer sat atop a overseas. For at least a year and a half, a nonworking trip dwarfed by the piles of old posters, jourworkstation behind the row of desks, several rusty file cabinets. and other assorted paper stacked on and behind nals, that couldn't make outside calls. Staff sat There was a single phone in this room by a row of potted metal folding chairs in the classroom, separated on the same of metal folding chairs and detailed ironwork.9 The usual configuration leaving plants walls and the room divider, the wood-paneled was in a circle, hugging office for the monitors, some of whom space on the wall shared with the middle who lectured especially the dermatologist used an easel for their presentations, fieldwork, there was a hole in the once a month. For the entire period of my the heat in and ceiling in the middle of the room, letting lowered, paneled folding chairs in the classroom, separated on the same of metal folding chairs and detailed ironwork.9 The usual configuration leaving plants walls and the room divider, the wood-paneled was in a circle, hugging office for the monitors, some of whom space on the wall shared with the middle who lectured especially the dermatologist used an easel for their presentations, fieldwork, there was a hole in the once a month. For the entire period of my the heat in and ceiling in the middle of the room, letting lowered, paneled --- Page 102 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS that Haiti is indeed in the tropics. reminding people who sit or stand nearby with the medanm took place, where most of the interactions The back office, terms of resources allocated, as eviboth spatially and in was marginalized, and the lack of computer equipment. denced by the temperature Lunch and the Ti Pèsonnèl meal is cooked, communal affair. After the day's Lunch was usually a lively front-office staff-or call on the interthe ti pèsonnèl walk up to the middle- and also heat lunches for people announce that lunch is ready. The cook com-and Lunch was served in the very back of the office who brought them from home. for the Women's Committee. A that also doubles as a meeting space in a room and make intercom calls. Again, the woodphone could accept incoming calls made by Fanm Têt Ansanm staff paneled walls were covered in posters, mostly women's rights context, describing the history of international in a pedagogical constitution. People ate at a long plywood conventions, the labor code, and the center in have come out of a church basement or community table that could chairs. Right next to this was a the United States, surrounded by six fiberglass At the end of the room cooler and a stack of cone cups (when stocked). water kitchen, with a sink and cabinets to store was the cook Edwidge's closet-sized using two stoves on top of propane her utensils and the dishes. She cooked coffee with a stovetop espresso tanks. Around eleven o'clock, Edwidge made and four ceramic demiMartha, took a pewter serving set maker. Her assistant, office to offer her coffee. Then tasse cups and walked to Mme Dominique's The remaining coffee was Martha worked her way back to the middle office. between one and two, the ti pèsonnèl. Lunch was usually ready shared among that I have only begun to grasp. Cooking Haitian depending on many factors labor-intensive process. Around food, almost always done by women, is a very the afternoon coffee was made and distributed. three, staff sat down to the already-set When one of the front- and middle-office lunch, eating in her Dominique always worked through table to eat (Mme her food, usually starting with the juice office), Edwidge or Martha brought out brase lide sessions were lively, of the day or coffee. If the spontaneous morning Without the constraint of work, lunchtime conversations were uproarious. them. They discussed told full versions of the stories that gripped the women such as an incident in someone's neighborhood the latest rumor or news event, about an illicit organthey knew was kidnapped, a story whereby someone a joke. The story was often donor ring, the capture of a gang leader, or simply and the (what I am analysis. Despite the high energy, followed by everyone's one another's sentences and conversational style of finishing told is) traditional had a chance to offer her who wanted to participatelo then going on, everyone story. Depending on the analysis, critique, suggestion, question, or follow-up as an hour or lunch brase lide sessions could last as long day's workload, the a story whereby someone a joke. The story was often donor ring, the capture of a gang leader, or simply and the (what I am analysis. Despite the high energy, followed by everyone's one another's sentences and conversational style of finishing told is) traditional had a chance to offer her who wanted to participatelo then going on, everyone story. Depending on the analysis, critique, suggestion, question, or follow-up as an hour or lunch brase lide sessions could last as long day's workload, the --- Page 103 --- ALL IN THE FAMILY in these events, preferFor the first several weeks, I did not participate in longer. street, thinking I would be able to partake ring instead to eat outside on the class of people, in an effort of the day, talking with a different the conversation majority in the industrial park. It was to show allegiance with pèp la, the poor (boss/owner), unable to inevitably called me patron a misguided effort, as people One day, one of the Fanm Têt Ansanm understand why I was eating on the street. the indoor sessions. aloof, SO I started going to staff chastised me for being noticed that the ti pèsonnèl participated When I was there long enough, I middle- or as well, that it was not just the professional in these conversations (griyo), descriptive and front-office staff. Edwidge was an excellent storyteller of the lunchtime for it. During the analysis portion very witty, and was respected debates about the political situation brase lide, staff would often get in heated that the lunch is a kind of in Haiti and in the United States. It could be argued within all Fanm Têt Ansanm, the only space in which people "public sphere" at in discussion (Habermas 1989, organizational divisions frequent and participate did not regularly eat their Only Mme Dominique and the part-time doctors 1992). While hierarchies were reproduced and strengthened lunches in the back room. within the front offices, it is no acciby spatial segregation and daily practices "work" generally the official space-was dent that this liminal space-outside where divisions are temporarily suspended the most open, deliberative area, Young 1997). in the brase lide (Turner 1969; and everyone participates The Clinic from the office. It was next to structure apart The clinic was a densely packed the clinic with engine noise and bluethe office's dèlko, which often invaded spacious opened into the waiting room, relatively black smoke. The courtyard Dominating the aural landscape, and well lit, despite there being no lights. set. The most common with the noisy dèlko, was a television often competing and foreign movies dubbed into programs were soccer, music videos, news, starring African perfect Parisian French, either Hollywood films-especially this use of elecLatin American telenovelas. Staff justified American actors-or can relax, not like the hospitals, ambiance: "Here people tricity as important and feel of death. * On the opposite side of the which scare people with the smell From one o'clock onward, cooler and sometimes cone cups. room was a water people and finding the patient's someone always sits at a front desk, welcoming in around three doctors. The medanm usually began streaming files for the room and the anteroom were all over the main waiting o'clock. Taped up discussing the importance of family glossy-but usually not laminated-posters. women's rights. Many of the posters HIV/AIDS testing, literacy, and planning, all of the posters were in Kreyôl. hung askew, and nearly were taken to a nurse's Like doctors' offices in the United States, patients Unlike temperature, weight, and blood pressure. office, where she took people's ctors. The medanm usually began streaming files for the room and the anteroom were all over the main waiting o'clock. Taped up discussing the importance of family glossy-but usually not laminated-posters. women's rights. Many of the posters HIV/AIDS testing, literacy, and planning, all of the posters were in Kreyôl. hung askew, and nearly were taken to a nurse's Like doctors' offices in the United States, patients Unlike temperature, weight, and blood pressure. office, where she took people's --- Page 104 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS often shouted out the numbers to the receptionin the United States, the nurse in Haiti, or perhaps poor these are not considered private ist. Apparently the rest of their lives and SO have come to not women do not have privacy in bed for office. The nurse's office had an operating-room expect it at the doctor's staff. Across a narrow hallway from including Fanm Têt Ansanm sick patients, consisting of a sink basin, a toilet, and a the nurse's office is a small bathroom, and often soap. Next bucket of water. Users bring their own toilet paper, and a large U.S. closets, stacked with a centrifuge was the laboratory, as big as many tests were cleaned. Sharing where stirrups and other materials for Pap sterilizer, and the dèlko was a dusty, empty consultation a wall with both the laboratory beds, stacks of assorted doubling as storage for old chairs, hospital room was room, could identify. Most of the time this papers, and boxes of stuff I never the only woman doctor, met though this was where the dermatologist, empty, with patients one day a week. returned to the waiting After the patients finished with the nurse, they television, sitting in with one another or the staff, or watched room and chatted of the walls. All around this area were a row of metal folding chairs lining two high. Examples of difboxes of written materials, especially the journals, piled condoms, female methods of birth control were also piled high: standard ferent IUDS, and syringes with Depo-Provera. condoms, Norplant, the pill, the sponge, only kind approved manufactured in India-the Plain white boxes of condoms rates-were here as well, when they by the UN because of their effectiveness waited for the small crowd of eight or SO patients were in stock.' II Often, while a the various of STIS or some lecture on types doctor, Leonie gave an impromptu by Fanm health issue. She used one of two booklets published other women's illustrations in full color on glossy paper, passing the Têt Ansanm, with detailed room, who muttered to thembooklet around to the patients in the waiting finished, Leonie described asked When the impromptu lesson selves or questions. offers: human development, legal rights, the courses that Fanm Têt Ansanm of other specific programs geared women's health, and literacy, as well as a host Patients were use, such as first aid and HIV/AIDS prevention. toward practical invited to take literature with them. rooms for the two To the left of the waiting room were the two consultation both of them had their Since lighter-skinned male ohateticianignecolodiets. between 2:30 and practice in the mornings, they arrived anywhere own private load, traffic, and of course the situation 4:00, depending on their morning case with flexibility, but the in the streets. Staff met these unexpected occurrences time. The consultation who walked to the clinic, often waited a long medanm, rooms in the clinic. Both have two rooms were identical, and were the biggest in addition to having working outside walls and brick "windows" to allow sunlight, desk, old-fashioned bulbs. The two rooms are both equipped with a wooden light table. One of the rooms had a recently hospital bed dividers, and an examining load, traffic, and of course the situation 4:00, depending on their morning case with flexibility, but the in the streets. Staff met these unexpected occurrences time. The consultation who walked to the clinic, often waited a long medanm, rooms in the clinic. Both have two rooms were identical, and were the biggest in addition to having working outside walls and brick "windows" to allow sunlight, desk, old-fashioned bulbs. The two rooms are both equipped with a wooden light table. One of the rooms had a recently hospital bed dividers, and an examining --- Page 105 --- ALL IN THE FAMILY marked by a sticker identifying it, like the pickup, acquired sonogram machine, The other room doubles as an office for as a gift from the people of Japan. work there on the many days when Giselle, the clinic director, who preferred to don't have to carry the "For one thing,' > she said, "I she had to submit reports. in Fanm Têt Ansanm far.' > In addition, this was the only place boxes of files very relative quiet can be found, just the besides Mme Dominique's office where factory, trucks coming whirring of the sewing machines at a nearby ambient The doors to these rooms are always closed when and going, and the dèlko. in an effort to keep the dust is in them, and often when they are not, not someone distinct, separated The clinic and office spheres are usually quite at bay. only by the parking lot but also by daily practice. employed in the to arrive were those not currently The first medanm the working conditions were zone because they had a child, export-processing downsized. If unoccupied, or the factory had closed or severely too unbearable, the medanm. People seeking the the guard and other male ti pèsonnèl greeted session usually walked clinic entered it directly, but those attending a training office building and between the around to the back entrance, a grass path lunchroom. At times, a second barbed-wire fence leading onto a platform to the From this entrance, a directly to the rear of the office was open. where gate leading called the "literacy" room because it is smaller classroom was to the right, the other sessions, met when the advanced literacy seminars, smaller than I went to at the beginning was an issue. Except for one series of seminars a space the training room was largely vacant, of my first seven weeks of fieldwork, and the piles of books from the heavy layer of black dust covering the table and sometimes a is a bathroom, with a toilet, a sink, 1980s. Next on the right and cleaned less often than the other light bulb and paper towels. It is smaller most medanm, the water for the clinic bathroom. But to bathrooms except toilet and sink are luxuries not available to cooler and the running water in the them at work or at home. of activity distinct, as it conserves The physical separation kept the zones with the medanm, the The direct contact most resources for the administration. areas, without electricity or purpose of the NGO, was held within resource-poor cold water. It was truly tout what it facilitated: Internet, air-conditioning, or moun pa menm, with people treated unequally. Commemorations of special days, revealing an Exceptions to this state were commemorations inherent in ritual of "communitas" "anti-structure" or temporary: generalization and chaotic whenever the (Turner 1969). The mood was both lively enactment to the comings and goings, the shouting day included a celebration. In addition discrete tasks to accomplish. and the shouting back, everyone had several for help and onto the driveway outside the People's cars were moved from the courtyard oun pa menm, with people treated unequally. Commemorations of special days, revealing an Exceptions to this state were commemorations inherent in ritual of "communitas" "anti-structure" or temporary: generalization and chaotic whenever the (Turner 1969). The mood was both lively enactment to the comings and goings, the shouting day included a celebration. In addition discrete tasks to accomplish. and the shouting back, everyone had several for help and onto the driveway outside the People's cars were moved from the courtyard --- Page 106 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS and scores of chairs were set up. The sound sysgate. A couple of canvas tents and drinks were picked up, as were Decorations made. The food tem was set up. Programs for the event were the small plastic plates and cups for serving. was involved in copied, and then folded. Everyone designed, typed out, printed, in the office the whole day to witIn the thirteen events that I was the process. Someone assumed (or was anointed ness, I never saw a formal planning process. tasks. A couple of the more with) the position of leadership and then delegated tasks. But most of the time, people would type up a sheet of of computer-sawy effort was asked simply showed up and did whatever preparatory of all the people of activity, and the direct involvement them. Given the frantic pace or ran out of paper, the chaufstaff, conflicts often arose: the printer jammed disagreed over the order of late back with the balloons, people feur was coming same task. During times like these, the events, or two people worked on the of remarks laced frustrations or prejudices came out hiding: people's latent traditional religion), politics, or class antagwith sarcasm about Vodou (Haiti's reacted quickly and in onism. Once uttered, the parties to the disagreement lasted more than a few emotional fashion. But the conflicts never similarly ended when one of the parties-the one committing moments, as they usually and moved on. offence-cracked a joke, laughed, the original Relationships office and the typical daily life inside it The portrait of the Fanm Têt Ansanm ethnographically, NGOS several patterns in relationships. Confronted Both this suggests (Hilhorst 2003:5.146; Kaag 2008:15). are fragmented and contradictory employees' own analyses testify to ethnographic sketch and Fanm Têt Ansanm relationships. On the of the intra-office two competing sets of characterizations distinct spheres: the ti pèsonnèl, the one hand, the work is divided among five and the clinic. In addition, this front office, the middle office, the back office, shaped by divisions division of labor is hierarchical, and relationships are partly degree of the other hand, in practice there is also an extraordinary of class. On each of the five work units but sometimes across cooperation, especially within their relationships with their them. In addition, most of the staff characterized coworkers and supervisors in familial terms. in separate different units within Fanm Têt Ansanm operated First, the five evident in the clinic. I spent whole spheres. This separation was particularly and did not see a single member of days being absconded in the middle office lunchtime or before the afterthe clinic staff. Occasionally, especially during back-office staff, visited the rush begins, staff from the office, especially noon their shift started (or resumed) by talking with clinic and passed time before in the clinic waiting room when clinic staff. The ti pèsonnèl often congregate staff. Only one of the clinic chatting with the medanm or clinic the not needed, frequented the office, especially after staff, the one with a college degree, single member of days being absconded in the middle office lunchtime or before the afterthe clinic staff. Occasionally, especially during back-office staff, visited the rush begins, staff from the office, especially noon their shift started (or resumed) by talking with clinic and passed time before in the clinic waiting room when clinic staff. The ti pèsonnèl often congregate staff. Only one of the clinic chatting with the medanm or clinic the not needed, frequented the office, especially after staff, the one with a college degree, --- Page 107 --- ALL IN THE FAMILY Sometimes she checked her e-mail (there was front-office staff left for the day. coworkers who live in the same in the clinic) while waiting for her no computeri the and ride together. The doctors city to finish, SO they could walk to tap-tap the female docknown to visit the front and middle office, especially have been medanm in the back office. But generally lecture to the tor who gave a monthly independently of one another. the clinic and the other programs operated were audible and the of the violence, when gunshots During the worst periods functioned more or less normally, if slightly blokis lasted for hours, the clinic of the two committees were rushed. But the training programs and meetings often canceled. offices-front, middle, and back-were largely To a lesser extent, the three between the back office and the rest. autonomous units, with a sharper division to donors and the staff were supervisors who wrote reports Most middle-office and submit those reports. Especially on government. Front-office staff prepare the front and middle offices. deadline days, there was frequent traffic between with government of NGO life, at least in Haiti, is to attend meetings A large part of their long history and successful track agencies and other NGOS. Because with other organizaFanm Têt Ansanm was often sought out to partner record, Mme Dominique occasionally tions, or at least be represented at meetings. staff represented Fanm Tèt however most often middle-office went to meetings, staff attended meetings as Fanm Têt Ansanm. Rarely, one of the back-office front- and middle-office staff The similarity between Ansanm's representative. Both the front and the middle offices is reproduced in the physical environments. these two offices had padding. And air-conditioned. Most of the chairs in were located in the front or middle offices. Mme Dominique the computers were all contact with the medanm, and the middle-office staff people rarely made or the front or middle offices. The differmedanm almost never walked through (discussed in the about "participation" ence in staff and recipients' perceptions separation and lack of might be a function of their physical previous chapter) contact, caused by this role specialization. environment all collaboration, and physical This distinction in function, resources were concenattest to hierarchy. Much of the physicalinfrestructural temperature is an indicator trated in the front and middle offices. The physical the front office, coolest in the director's office, followed by of status. It was outside, or over a boiling pot, middle office, back office, and clinic. Working in the front office had have the hottest workspace. Everyone the ti pèsonnèl for six people in the middle and there were five computers to a computer, that Fanm Tèt Ansanm has to pay for diesel office. Especially considering distinction in who consumes resources. the electricity, this is a significant the power zones highlight inequality structuring Interactions' between staff of different bathrooms, and the the less-maintained relationships. The hotter temperature, them, all reinforce "tout chairs for the medanm and the staff who help harder have the hottest workspace. Everyone the ti pèsonnèl for six people in the middle and there were five computers to a computer, that Fanm Tèt Ansanm has to pay for diesel office. Especially considering distinction in who consumes resources. the electricity, this is a significant the power zones highlight inequality structuring Interactions' between staff of different bathrooms, and the the less-maintained relationships. The hotter temperature, them, all reinforce "tout chairs for the medanm and the staff who help harder --- Page 108 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS menm": everyone is a person, but not everyone moun se moun, men tout moun pa is equal. inequality was reinforced by language. In addition to spatial practice, are given reveal marker of class in Haiti. The titles people Language serves as a Ti pèsonnèl referred to the frontdeeply held, persistent practices of inequality. deference or at staff people as "Miss" so-and-so, suggesting and middle-office used this title. Many call their supervisor least formality. Clinic staff selectively were "Madame" (last name), and two of the front office staff people "Miss" (first their immediate supervisor as "Madame" Back-office staff often hailed name). often used in reference to a single middle-office (last name). This title was most often referred to Mme middle-office staff people staff person." 12 Interestingly, middle-office staff were all on firstDominique by her first name. Front- and They only used titles for the doctors. name bases with one another. through interactions by language was reproduced This hierarchy suggested to walk past a front-, Anytime a ti pèsonnèl happened and daily practice. she can be hailed and given a task. middle-, and even back-office staff person, where most of the medanm why they would "hide" in the clinic This explains told me, "Not only one person can reprimand would hang out. One ti pèsonnèl One middle-office staff in can reprimand you, you understand?" serve you. Everyone her desk. She had the kitchen staff heat up and particular almost never left home. When she needed something, her lunch, which she often brought from went to her. Another staff from her coworkers in the middle office, they even Tèt Ansanm: "People come from different person had this critique of Fanm You have the impression, places, they're from different social status [kouch). It's, I don't I hear the way they talk that they sound annoyed. there are people, who are at the head, take account of this too feel that at the top perhaps, people aside from an interview with a much." 99 Notice the hesitation in the language; Mme Dominique, and staff member who later had a conflict with voiced in class particular below, this was the only specific critique another referenced of people's lower level of comfort with terms. This might have been a reflection of whom I had traveled with on compared to Sove Lavi, many Tèt me (particularly fact that I had a formal protocol with Fanm several missions), or the via people's supervisors. Ansanm that was communicated for staff interaction. All but five Gender is also an organizing principle roles culturally gendered employees were women. Tellingly, men performed Têt Ansanm hired a female doctors, guards, and chauffeurs. Fanm masculine: specialty given the the most important doctor, but she is not a gynecologist, health. Previously, they had a organization's focus on women's reproductive kidnapped. The housewho fled the country after being female gynecologist feminine gendered roles, were all keeping and kitchen staff, traditionally health auxiliaries, program manall the trainers, public women. Interestingly, of Fanm Têt Ansanm's were women, an expression agers, and administrators m hired a female doctors, guards, and chauffeurs. Fanm masculine: specialty given the the most important doctor, but she is not a gynecologist, health. Previously, they had a organization's focus on women's reproductive kidnapped. The housewho fled the country after being female gynecologist feminine gendered roles, were all keeping and kitchen staff, traditionally health auxiliaries, program manall the trainers, public women. Interestingly, of Fanm Têt Ansanm's were women, an expression agers, and administrators --- Page 109 --- ALL IN THE FAMILY NGOS that are replacing feminized mission. "Gap-filler" female-empoverment the state tend also to be feminized. This provides social service functions of women as NGO directors, many of sanctioned leadership roles for culturally either come from or are married into traditional whom, like Mme Dominique, business elite families.3 linguistic, and interactional Despite this inequality reproduced by spatial, there was (cf. Bourdieu 1980; de Certeau 1984), practice at Fanm Tèt Ansanm told me that "compared level of cooperation. One of the ti pèsonnèl s also a high at Fanm Tèt Ansanm." The other in Haiti, there are fewer problems Têt to places circumscribed daily life at Fanm fact that Haiti's extreme inequalities intense social divisions. As one ti Ansanm is not surprising, given the country's in Haiti is the class it, "The main obstacle to development pèsonnèl put most of the medanm think very highly of the struggle." > It bears mentioning that contemporary crisis, the and complex group, and that despite compounded Fanm Tèt Ansanm was still highly functional. "team spirit" is its strength Many people told me that Fanm Têt Ansanm's there for a long time, in of its stability, why people chose to work and the source communication from Fanm Têt Ansanm direct contrast to Sove Lavi. Written the journal, and the reports are process. Grant applications, was a collaborative by all middle-office staff. These read, discussed, debated, and corrected shared, the middle office was mostly and In addition, exchanges were lively spirited. holding court, the only one with egalitarian (beyond the practice of one person I never knew Especially when there were fewer computers, the "Mme" title). of finishing a report. The same cooperawho was directing the chaotic process in the streets back office; if someone was sick or if violence tion was true of the filled in without much of a problem. prevented her from being there, others together the medanm above, the celebrations that bring And as mentioned of labor that day. their solidarity were the products everyone's and reinforce organic; people seemed to instinctively Additionally, the process appeared and the celebration's their roles without much formal organization, know from event to event. It is true that the ti pèsonnèl organizer or emcee changed the ones serving food and drinks at did more of the manual labor, and they were of the process. The soliwas involved in some aspect events. But most everyone the songs, was prefigured by by the rituals, especially darity and unity promoted it together. There was one collective, seemingly organic labor of putting the for Mme Dominique's occasional notable exception to this sharing: except events. front-office staff rarely attended the actual appearance, likened it to a family and not just a job. All Fanm Tèt Ansanm employees discussed. This familial and team spirit just This is related to the cooperation tenure at Fanm Têt Ansanm. Most analogy explains the longevity of employees' more than Fanm Têt Ansanm for more than five years, many people worked at Edele said, "I am a quitter. I usually don't stay ten, and a few almost twenty. this sharing: except events. front-office staff rarely attended the actual appearance, likened it to a family and not just a job. All Fanm Tèt Ansanm employees discussed. This familial and team spirit just This is related to the cooperation tenure at Fanm Têt Ansanm. Most analogy explains the longevity of employees' more than Fanm Têt Ansanm for more than five years, many people worked at Edele said, "I am a quitter. I usually don't stay ten, and a few almost twenty. --- Page 110 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS Têt Ansanm is like a family to me. I haven't along very long at a job. But Fanm home. > Even during the leave because If feel that this is my family, my left. I can't home by five," s staff people who lived political crisis, when people "run to return could ride the same tapareas waited for others to finish SO they in neighboring others rides home or to a place where they tap. Middle-office: staff with cars gave and interwalk home relatively safely, past the dangerous neighborhoods could confided that they had a good relasections along the way. A few ti pèsonnèl Whenever they were in a the administration. tionship with everyone, including and poor health care and educafinancial bind, caused by the crises of poverty staff for help, they felt they could go to front- or middle-office tional systems, CAC members discussed in the previous similar to Sove Lavi staff helping out medanm. At least in the eyes of the ti chapter. Most come from the ranks of the that go beyond the the ideology of family implied moral obligations of pèsonnèl, have pointed out, the ideology family job. As feminists and anthropologists for, systems of inequality ideological justification often hides, or provides According to a couple of ti pèson- (Collier and Yanagisako 1987; Crawford 2008). socialist ethos of maternalism, a nèl, however, this is not mere clientelism but a what Fanm Têt Ansanm's welfare. When I asked people concern with people's would recommend, some lower-rung weaknesses were, or what changes they find more èd (foreign aid), hoped that Fanm Tèt Ansanm would employees believed that it would trickle down to them." because they Sove Lavi weighed heavily on both NGOS, they underWhile Haiti's extreme inequalities Sove Lavi's office was more divided than took different institutional responses. downstairs staff. Distinctions Fanm Tèt Ansanm's, with an upstairs and a the aid recipients who are the public face of Sove Lavi to between trainers People from the difa separation. and administration are reinforced by physical seeing a member of the divisions can and have worked full days without ferent this, in direct contrast to Mme Dominique's management other. Compounding Mme Versailles has a more centralized style that offers staff wide latitude, policy that was written when Further complicating this is a personnel office. approach. housed at their founding agency's Sove Lavi was still a small organization Neighborhood thoroughfare in a more established The Sove Lavi office is located off a busy offices, law offices, shared with government neighborhood in Potoprens, private houses, many the tradistore, churches, and many schools, a grocery hidden artistic treasures. Walking through of Haiti's tional "gingerbread-one the Sove Lavi office, one has to contend with the neighborhood on the way to space, putting people and mud puddles, but also less pedestrian fewer potholes Sove Lavi was still a small organization Neighborhood thoroughfare in a more established The Sove Lavi office is located off a busy offices, law offices, shared with government neighborhood in Potoprens, private houses, many the tradistore, churches, and many schools, a grocery hidden artistic treasures. Walking through of Haiti's tional "gingerbread-one the Sove Lavi office, one has to contend with the neighborhood on the way to space, putting people and mud puddles, but also less pedestrian fewer potholes --- Page 111 --- ALL IN THE FAMILY Several small businesses that cater to profesand cars in direct competition. and cyber cafes where people sional clients, such as restaurants, copy shops, and Canada, dot the landphone calls to the United States make Internet-based and accessories, and used clothes scape. A few timachann sell automobile parts specialized products such as >15 men-of called "rad Kenedi. Purveyors-usually batteries, garden shears, or jumper fluorescent light bulbs, flashlights, compact the street with their wares on fading plastic laundry cables walk up and down tubs carried on their heads. rock wall Lavi office is in a lakou protected by an eight-foot-tall The Sove metal gate. Sitting outside broken bottles cemented on top, and a ten-foot with timachann selling a variety of articles. A married this fence is a group of other and other sundries, in addition to couple sells cans of salt fish, milk, ketchup, often considered a meal) bottles of soda and Malta (a nonalcoholic malt drink, woman sells meat, hand-sized block of ice. An elderly that are cooled by a wicker basket full of potaand ready to be cooked, as well as a large chopped up eggplant, and breadfruit, depending on toes, sweet potatoes, carrots, cabbage, able to make it to a downtown market what was in season and whether she was (fried food), such as pate woman who sells fritay to buy them. Next is a younger patties), hot dogs, plansandwiched between two dough (meat and vegetables and fish, but not akra (root vegetable dough), tains, bright pink summer sausages, charcoal stove. Next to her of brown grease heated by a handmade all fried in a pot cookies, and hard candy, and a slight, woman selling crackers, is a middle-aged of beans and rice every day except Sunday. stooped woman who cooks a pot fences of either brick or stone, Inside the lakou, surrounded on all sides by statue. This garcentered around a dried-up pool and a worn-down is a garden in Pôtoprens. Flowers and fruitden was one of the few places where I saw grass walkway up to the Behind this garden is a cobblestone bearing trees also grow. To the right is a long, wide, semiconcrete landing, leading into the building. florist's shop, some sevthat leads to the landlord's building, a paved driveway actually vacant, as one of the timachann enty yards behind. The lakou is never there for free for the the night in the compound, allowed to stay families spends This is helpful given that the measure of security that their presence provides. armed guard works only twelve hours per day. paid The Beginning of the Day man armed with his the security guard, a tall younger At seven in the morning, the and takes over the job bullet, typically enters building own rifle and a single have gone outside the gates the place from the family, who mostly of watching raised on a concrete ledge, and cooking. The guard sits on a porch, to begin the ledge is a cage of black lattice ironwork, with receives visitors. Sitting atop on time of day, different left for a metal doorframe and door. Depending Sove Lavi space company, most of whom are not people keep the security guard younger At seven in the morning, the and takes over the job bullet, typically enters building own rifle and a single have gone outside the gates the place from the family, who mostly of watching raised on a concrete ledge, and cooking. The guard sits on a porch, to begin the ledge is a cage of black lattice ironwork, with receives visitors. Sitting atop on time of day, different left for a metal doorframe and door. Depending Sove Lavi space company, most of whom are not people keep the security guard --- Page 112 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS day laborer men, who occasionally work employees but timachann or neighbor often hang out in the Lavi. The chauffeurs and custodial staff people for Sove porch area in between calls for duty. inside Sove Lavi's office In addition to the security guard, the only people custodial staff, called at this time of the morning are one of two (male) a tradibuilding Like others around it, the building was "logistics," > cleaning the office. cinderblocks comwith fired bricks (not the hand-fashioned tional gingerbread and wood trim, including beams, archways, mon in newer neighborhoods) shutters. The main entrance led to a spadoorways, stairways, windows, and series of soft-back chairs and open to the ceiling. On the right was a cious foyer, to a conference room. On the left double doors that were always closed leading sign about the mission closet area, the backdrop for a handmade was an unused children looking forlornly the and a poster of two peasant as of organization not have the same right to go to school upward, asking in Kreyol, "Do we midsection. They never quite The children's eyes came up to my at everyeveryonez" for me, their eyes seeming to gaze up could fade into the background staircase fronted a desk cluttered with one and everything. The uneven circular the head of of and a computer. When it was occupied, individual sheets paper shirt and often a tie, and gold-looking logistics sat here, dressed in a button-down When he was not shouting necklace, bracelet, and fake Rolex. jewelry, including although often gramfor one of his two assistants, he spoke an over-enunciated matically challenged French. conference room, where Sove To the right from the front entrance is the and meetings with donors or partner organizations. Lavi held press conferences, local CAC members. Spacious and tile in the summer of 2006, trainings for cool even when the air condifloored, with the windows covered, this room was wooden table and some There was a large, rectangular tioner was not running. chairs. Until Sove Lavi hired Monsieur thirty stackable, cushioned aluminum the technical of research and development, Lescot in a new position as director entire Sove Lavi staff convenedteam met in the conference room. When the These meetings were all twelve months visiting--they met here. twice during my team before Mme Lejeune's the meetings of the technical in French, as were in this room. Working off a laptop that tenure. M. Lescot set up a small office he took up very little and in web searches, had access to the Internet, proficient the end of 2004, the room was fitted When he began working there at while space. that M. Lescot had running to full capacity with a working air conditioner "early bird," M. Lescot was usually he worked in his office. A self-described among the first staff to arrive. Lavi workday, but usually only a o'clock is the official start of the Sove that Eight arrived by 8:30. Hilhorst (2003:121) argued handful of the thirty staff people stated rules, anthropolocriticizing NGOS for not following rather than merely functions that these rules serve. should be looking for other, symbolic gists had running to full capacity with a working air conditioner "early bird," M. Lescot was usually he worked in his office. A self-described among the first staff to arrive. Lavi workday, but usually only a o'clock is the official start of the Sove that Eight arrived by 8:30. Hilhorst (2003:121) argued handful of the thirty staff people stated rules, anthropolocriticizing NGOS for not following rather than merely functions that these rules serve. should be looking for other, symbolic gists --- Page 113 --- ALL IN THE FAMILY of organizational stressors, of new second-tier leadership, or periods In periods focused anew on these organizational principles, parSove Lavi administration manifestations of organizational ticularly the normative workday, as concrete the administration Twice during my period of fieldwork discipline and solvency. reminding staff of the official policy posted an office memo typed in French'6 for a couple of weeks folregarding work hours. The staff was more punctual to arrive on official notice. Not everyone received the same pressure lowing this in particular was at stake if he did not time, however. The job of one employee on the wrong side of a his of driving arrive on time, SO this began practice After the ti pèsonnèl and chaufdivided, busy road in order to save some time. staff in the accountthe receptionist and the feurs, next to arrive were usually office, all of whom worked on the second floor. ing Upstairs Office and lacked a railstaircases in Haiti, the one at Sove Lavi was uneven Like many hurried up the stairs, and I was not the only ing. More than once I tripped as I containing an old copier that victim. The stairway led to a small landing from the clumsy observation period finally died. Across midway during my participant chairs, one of which was broken but never copier sat three metal and cushion formal area like me sat on it and fell. This was the reception removed-so people six feet by eight feet, not that faced the office of Anne-Marie, the receptionist, the stairs. She was also the small closet. Anne-Marie sat facing counting a supply the official correspondence for Mme administrative secretary, SO she wrote and never learned to the director (who did not have a computer Versailles, her desk neat, but since it was the communicatype). Anne-Marie tried to keep and files throughout tions hub for the organization, the spaced acquired papers that could make calls to Anne-Marie's desk also housed the only phone the day. to phone calls. In addition to SO often staff came into the office place cell phones, refrigerator kept people's the desk that dominated the room, a dorm-room-sized albeit usually empty. next to where the office's water cooler sat, soft drinks cold, window looked out onto the Behind Anne-Marie, a usually open, large picture Anne-Marie Every ten minutes or SO, other private houses in the neighborhood. the She had a loud staff, beginning with supervisor. called for one of the logistical When I asked her why she didn't lean voice that could carry to the first floor. with a touch of irony that her overlooking the landing, she said over the balcony was unavailstaff the phones in case of a call. If the logistical supervisor job was to of the logistical staff, beginning with able, Anne-Marie yelled for one or another one for the afternoons). on call (one for the mornings, the one who was officially office was to the right. from the stairs, the accounting Coming up of the house, was a large bathroom, with In between the two offices, in a corner Sometimes a cut-in-half bar of water and a bucket for flushing the toilet. a drum brought their own toilet paper, reflective of of soap was left on the sink. People a call. If the logistical supervisor job was to of the logistical staff, beginning with able, Anne-Marie yelled for one or another one for the afternoons). on call (one for the mornings, the one who was officially office was to the right. from the stairs, the accounting Coming up of the house, was a large bathroom, with In between the two offices, in a corner Sometimes a cut-in-half bar of water and a bucket for flushing the toilet. a drum brought their own toilet paper, reflective of of soap was left on the sink. People --- Page 114 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS lack of available funds. The door to the hyper-individual responsibility or a the cold A/C air inside. The office accounting office was always closed to keep in and two assisfrom the outside) was for the administrator?. to the left (coming farthest desk from the door. Closest to the tants. The administrator sat in the between the technical team the solver" or "liaison" door sat Josue, "problem Josue faced the door, and the who went "to the field" and the administration. other two faced away. staff, the chéfcomptable Across the wooden partition sat the two accounting three desks. The Between the two of them there were and the comptable adjoint. from one another. Several pieces hand-me-down workspaces were all different steel filing cabiincluding a desk and one of many of furniture or equipment, attached. A small desk to the side by the nets, had a hand-sized USAID sticker including a side window, front window (this office had ample natural lighting, service) was the official the state of the city's electricity which was good given it sat several cardboard boxes stuffed site for the institutional memory. Atop inside of which were numerous file folders. narrow hallway alcove there was a dark, Walking past the receptionist's occupied by the Mme Versailles, flanked by two offices, at the time of fieldwork" technical director, on director, on the left, and Mme Lejeune, the the executive always closed, in part because the right. The doors to these offices were nearly units in the office inside. The of the newest and most powerful air-conditioning Haitian art, original Versailles's office were adorned with highbrow walls of Mme still life; the other two were of Haitian artist. One was a paintings by a renowned Versailles set up the desk to face the doorway. idealized natural settings. Mme desk were two potted Surrounding the recycled USAID sluminum-and-fornica round table with side from when one walked in was a small plants. On the left On the other side of the desk was chairs. This was her meeting area. two folding that never worked. On the wall opposite another desk that housed a computer cabinet. In the back corner was windows was a long single filing the two large small restroom that only she used. another exit, a small door that led to a when Mme Lejeune, the most of these offices were already occupied By 9:30 office. Mme Lejeune had arranged an exception technical director, came to her distance she had to travel to get official work-hours policy because of the to the mountains far above Potoprens. Unlike at Fanm to work; she lived in the cool coworkers during the first visit, in Têt Ansanm, there is no ritual of greeting in an old rooms gingerbread part because most of the office doors-individual the offices. The main door to house-were usually closed to keep the A/C inside busted chair (of to the busted copier and the one Mme Lejeune's office-leading stairs-had a lock. The office, like most three) waiting area at the landing of the windows looked out to a second floor, was well lit. Two large picture others on the sometimes glued (including my Catholic church, where many eyes were carved large Despite the small space own) during the long technical team meetings. most of the office doors-individual the offices. The main door to house-were usually closed to keep the A/C inside busted chair (of to the busted copier and the one Mme Lejeune's office-leading stairs-had a lock. The office, like most three) waiting area at the landing of the windows looked out to a second floor, was well lit. Two large picture others on the sometimes glued (including my Catholic church, where many eyes were carved large Despite the small space own) during the long technical team meetings. --- Page 115 --- ALL IN THE FAMILY director's office felt larger than the executive out for the assistant, the technical Besides the single aluminum-anddirector's office because of its simplicity. wall took up wooden bookshelf against an interior Formica work desk, only one that while she worked she changed its orientation, SO any space. Mme Lejeune the technical director. A faced the window, her back to visitors, unlike previous wall. When occubathroom was carved into the other interior hardly ever used Minnesota standards I'm used to. More pied, this room was cold, even by the convinced Mme Lejeune to than a few times, loud protests by several trainers for the duration remote-control air conditioner turn down the USAID-donated whenever someone walked on The painted wood floors creaked of the meeting. of the technical team often worried that with the full complement them. I never happened while I was there, assembled, we would fall through. But that and not since, at least until the earthquake.s computer area. One room At the end of the long hallway was the two-room with spare parts) use, with four older computers (put together was for public wooden table. This room was often lined up on both sides of a hand-fashioned four computers' poorly ventilated, and collecting hot: not air-conditioned, sweat). After March 2005 these exhaust (not to mention at least four users' eight hours per week, to were reserved for local high school students computers forum, with two or three people sharing a computer. be used for an online staff or "friends" of Sove Lavi-all of When the youth were gone, the custodial use these of them with regular odd jobs to perform-would them men, some the Internet, albeit slow by even Haitian computers, all of which were wired to to tell when the at one of these computers, it was easy standards. While working powered by a dèlko, one electricity) was off. If the office was being EDH (public that these computers shut down within or another staff would kindly request or if Mme Versailles was presthe next few minutes. If it was on inverter power, warning 20 this room would be immediately cut without ent, the line feeding where the webmaster and a dataBehind a glass wall was the mainframe, and covered by curtains worked.a The two windows were shut base manager conditioner was on. The three computers in here, when the USAID-stickered air new, with up-to-date which also marked by the sticker, were all purchased two of Interestingly, we discovered that this software (e.g., Microsoft Office 2003). from languages such as software upgrade included automatic translation unlike the The chairs, also with stickers, were adjustable, English and French.22 on, this room still functioned, others. When there was only inverter power Both tech workers the server and the network connection. because it contained school in Canada, he was replaced self-taught. When one left to go to were director staff to have been replaced within the month, the only non-associate to develop Sove years. Their job description was primarily within the two prior abilities as well,23 but both were valued for their problem-solving the Lavi's website, functional (a sign on This room was cool enough to keep the computers on, this room still functioned, others. When there was only inverter power Both tech workers the server and the network connection. because it contained school in Canada, he was replaced self-taught. When one left to go to were director staff to have been replaced within the month, the only non-associate to develop Sove years. Their job description was primarily within the two prior abilities as well,23 but both were valued for their problem-solving the Lavi's website, functional (a sign on This room was cool enough to keep the computers --- Page 116 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS the door behind them), but not uncomfortable to door implored people to close the hierarchy within the orgathe majority of the staff working there. Reflecting authority and consumed chart, the upstairs office staff had more nizational specialization, the indiAlso reinforcing their organizational more resources. from one another. vidual cellules were physically separated Downstairs Office staircase. If one were not careIn the back of the office is a very narrow concrete the ceiling. This stairwould hit his or her head on ful, someone of my height4 USAID motorcycle sat for a long case led to a back porch where an unused and unloading: at different period. This was also the primary spot for loading for the next shipment to it held boxes of T-shirts, radios, or office chairs times There was also a giant urn whose function eluded one of the provincial offices. would use to visit the I asked. This was the entrance that timachann At everyone pineapples, onions, yams, even paintings. trainers, selling bananas, oranges, cheche lavi (literally "lookwould be at the doorstep, least twice a day, someone calling out to whoever was inside. As ing for life," meaning looking for a buyer), the trainers presshe was sent away. When she wasn't sent away, often as not, would look up from their work writing reports ent (all but one were women) downstairs until late 2005) and negotiate a longhand (there were no computers seller and buyers, the trainers would price for everyone. If mutually agreeable to divide up the produce among all who purchased. dividing three offices. Only The downstairs office had three open doorways that in each office, enough for a single cell phone charger two outlets worked toward the most senior trainer). trainers shared and one fan (usually pointed did not work well. When only two fans for the three rooms, and one There were which occurred often during the interim the office was on inverter power, The assorted desks-seven in electricity did not flow downstairs at all. period, "modern'-faced one another, facilitating conversaall, some wood, some more lesser putting together Like at Fanm Têt Ansanm though to a degree, tion. mission was a task the downstairs staff shared reports or preparing for the next visits I noticed two computers among whoever was present. During subsequent Sove Lavi staff contracted one relatively new. For lunch, were added downstairs, child-who came to the office, also his a with timachann's thirteen-year-old box of food and usuafter he finished school-to fetch them a Styrofoam home, her favorite drink. Staff usually ate by themally a soda. Each staff had his or while eating. Squirreled away selves at their desks, and many continued to work materials from Sove Lavi downstairs were two other storage rooms, containing Like toilet paper, from the 1990S, but almost never things such as pens. from projects or had this local youth buy one people usually bought their own pens, leftover pens they would be the street. After a trip to the provinces, if there were stashed away. Often the the downstairs staff and then quickly distributed among . Staff usually ate by themally a soda. Each staff had his or while eating. Squirreled away selves at their desks, and many continued to work materials from Sove Lavi downstairs were two other storage rooms, containing Like toilet paper, from the 1990S, but almost never things such as pens. from projects or had this local youth buy one people usually bought their own pens, leftover pens they would be the street. After a trip to the provinces, if there were stashed away. Often the the downstairs staff and then quickly distributed among --- Page 117 --- ALL IN THE FAMILY downstairs was vacant, with staff gone on one or Like Fanm Tèt Ansanm's back more missions to the provinces. office, the structural office, Sove Lavi trainers functioned equivalent of the downstairs cellules, and they were similarly more collaboratively than those in the other their marginalized. If they needed to supervisor or the administration, communicate with did very often, downstairs staff had to walk attesting to a lack of autonomy that upstairs. They interviews with me. The design of Sove they each mentioned during ism, Lavi's office thus hierarchy, and dependence, reflected engendered individualphysical space itself. This in in the resources allocated and the turn shapes the relationships between coworkers. Relationships The first problem that CAC members up late, has its roots in the Sove complained about, Sove Lavi staff showing provinces, I was told that Lavi office. During my first "mission" to the the team would be leaving at morning person, I took special care to be at the 7:30 A.M. Not being a clock, packing, and office by 7:30, setting my alarm preparing the morning coffee the was difficult, but I made it. No one else night before. Even SO, it staff person was there besides a shirtless cleaning the desks and moving his makeshift custodial storage areas. The guard had just arrived bed into one of the asked. They would be as I did. Where was I coming, I was assured. So I sat everyone else?, the team scheduled to and waited. The go on the mission arrived at the majority of before the "upstairs" staff. By nine, the office by eight o'clock, with all the materials, the food, newly cleaned, leased SUV was loaded trainers' office, chatting about and people's personal effects. We all sat in the between the news of the day, the the "gods" of soccer (the Brazilian imminent soccer match national team.25 By ten, most of the rest national team) and the Haitian dèlko was turned on. Seeing ofthe upstairs staff had arrived, and the nothing else to do, I one of the four computers in the "lab." walked upstairs and turned on team was going to be At noon, I was called and told that the there. leaving. I ran downstairs and out to After another fifteen the car. No one was minutes a driver and the came to the car. Where were the responsab of the mission others?, I asked. we had to go get a check So They were getting things done; signed. we drove up to another signature on a check. And then NGO's office to get a responsab went to the bank. Jeanty (the driver) and I waited while the catcalling Jeanty, a former army officer, amused women as they walked by. This tardiness himself by rence. Every single mission that left was not a one-time occurMme Pierre, a while I was in the office was trainer, explained, "There's similarly late. little blockage. I am not aware of a certain slowness in the office, a why. There's a nothing about. > Several trainers whole series of things I know were adamant. Yvette complained: All the time there is a little blockage. this we spend a lot of time here Some financial thing. Because of [in the office]. We lose time, I can't point by rence. Every single mission that left was not a one-time occurMme Pierre, a while I was in the office was trainer, explained, "There's similarly late. little blockage. I am not aware of a certain slowness in the office, a why. There's a nothing about. > Several trainers whole series of things I know were adamant. Yvette complained: All the time there is a little blockage. this we spend a lot of time here Some financial thing. Because of [in the office]. We lose time, I can't point --- Page 118 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS we all have a role ["finger involved"]. But the biggest my finger, because We mache twàp [literally "walk too reason is an administrative blockage. anythingl. We sit in without resolving much," ' or go from place to place four hours or more. I arrived the office for two hours, three hours, even there after nine at night. in a mission in Jakmèl. It isn't too far, but we got And all Because we didn't plan it well? We weren't ready? And why? Why? like I just told you. The institution's these actions have consequences, image is diminished. the for materials lamented, "For example, we give requisition Mme Auguste the day we leave. Also, days in advance. It's not like the papers appeared seven for the per diem, for gas, you understand? they always know we need money here because someone little expenses. Why are we standing There's always didn't go to the bank?" staff, pointed to a series of bureauSeveral staff, especially the "downstairs" that was supposed hurdles. Nearing the end of a technical team meeting cratic down to talk with Mme Lejeune. He to draft a monthly work plan, Josue came women's soccer match. Mme wanted her to tell the group about that week's about it, and asked if Lejeune said that she didn't have enough information Mme Lejeune said to he could talk about it to the group. Dripping with sarcasm, but this week that she was sure they were aware of this already, the trainers voiced their concern about not being there will be a soccer match. Many people the first time that staff had heard "in the current"). This was okouran (literally the technical team and the administraabout it. So Josue, the liaison between (discussed in There is a soccer match. And just like the symposium tion, began: Versailles is counting on everyone's participation. the previous chapter), Mme asked. This Thursday (the meetall involved. When is it?, someone We need you said that we need to invite all the CAC meming was on Monday) at 2:30. Josue A trainer asked if there were any bers from the whole province. It's important. didn't know them. He had to go back upstairs. other details. Josue the failure to open a meeting in which they were discussing This capped schools were dropcenters. In one particular location, two of three community cited was the lack of respect for meeting ping out of the program. One reason commuted from pôtoprens, and times. All three staff in this provincial office followed othlate. This protest by the local community they were all habitually despite the opening ceremony five ers. The center was not yet operational technical director, This, combined with a new and then energetict months prior. of continued discussion. This December rendered the repeated tardiness a topic to address the structural meeting was the first in which trainers attempted hours at had gone on for two and a half constraints of their job. The meeting the help of a visiting and Mme Lejeune dutifully took notes (with this point, anthropologist) to take to Mme Versailles. local community they were all habitually despite the opening ceremony five ers. The center was not yet operational technical director, This, combined with a new and then energetict months prior. of continued discussion. This December rendered the repeated tardiness a topic to address the structural meeting was the first in which trainers attempted hours at had gone on for two and a half constraints of their job. The meeting the help of a visiting and Mme Lejeune dutifully took notes (with this point, anthropologist) to take to Mme Versailles. --- Page 119 --- ALL IN THE FAMILY the stairs, mentioning the name of a consultant Josue came back down and then a list of the activities. Mme Mme Versailles hired to set up the event, also out T-shirts. And a word of welcome. We will give Versailles will be giving the idea that it would be Lunise, the newest trainer hired, brought up a distrophies. literature, triggering a good opportunity to pass out HIVIAIDS-prevention objected that their about the quality of their materials. One person cussion such excluded most of the youth they materials were only in French, and as continued by saying they Not appearing to take note, Josue would be targeting. Georges questioned between three and five thousand people. were expecting Sove Lavi had no ongoing projects in the capithe logic of the location because needed all the trainers to be able to this, Josue said that Sove Lavi this tal. Ignoring a rush of media for the media calls this week, as we are expecting answer Several trainers cited this as a prime event. And then he returned upstairs. in the office, at once highlighting communication: style example of the brusque conversation, since they discussion topic and ending the stakes of the meeting's had urgent tasks put on their plates. all suddenly It garnered some media coverage, Three days later this event took place. the winning team (the when Mme Versailles gave the trophy to especially team promised to work together underdog). She and the captain of the winning The captain of the "the sports sector" in the fight against HIV/AIDS. to involve the where Mme Versailles focused sports team did not repeat the part of pledge Sove Lavi website and the abstinence. To my knowledge (based on the on did not materialize into any ongoing collaboration. reports I read), this pledge broadcast for Radyo Ginen and Despite this, it was the lead story of the sports media attention was faciliseveral others. This success at garnering apparently which involved media organizations as members tated by Sove Lavi's structure, thousand youth attended the The official report said that four of the alliance. education and some other materials event, receiving training on HIV/AIDS declaration flew in the (such as a box of three Pantè condoms).36 The report's central tool within to rewrite history is a face of the facts, but this ability "bureaucraft" (James 2010). hours late and an hour before dusk. The soccer match started at 4:30, two a tradimembers-a group of about fifteen women-performed Several CAC the fact that the periods were cut short, tional dance during halftime. Despite the educational portion of the there was no time for Sove Lavi staff to conduct in terms of gun violence, December 2004 was one of the scariest months event. leave before it was too dark. Just before the halftime SO the crowd did in fact shows no more than three hundred show, I took a photo (see figure 3.I) that themselves to do their jobs Frustrated, the trainers took it on from people present. were watching the game. Judging during the second period while people paid any attention to focus of the crowd on the match itself, very few people the to begin handing out condoms. They had the trainers, until one of them decided was one of the scariest months event. leave before it was too dark. Just before the halftime SO the crowd did in fact shows no more than three hundred show, I took a photo (see figure 3.I) that themselves to do their jobs Frustrated, the trainers took it on from people present. were watching the game. Judging during the second period while people paid any attention to focus of the crowd on the match itself, very few people the to begin handing out condoms. They had the trainers, until one of them decided --- Page 120 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS people at Sove Lavi soccer match/ to be four thousand FIGURE 3.1 Crowd reported 2004. Photo by author. December AIDS training, spectators (i.e., over twenty-three, told the to give them to all "age-appropriate"s abstinence, a fact that Josue planned about fee (a little more since the point was supposedly collected the five-goud entrance almost two that morning) as they when staff had arrived group cents), an idea they abandoned the crowd was already there. than ten official start of the match and Lunise, who was by hours after the males crowded around or sexual Suddenly, a noisy group of adolescent and to fend off the insults at of the staff. In desperation, of order shattered far the youngest box in the air. All semblance hands on.27 Lunise threw a up they could get their come-ons, took what condoms declared it that point, and the youths on. Mme Versailles materials were trampled with each team attemptThe French-language match went into sudden death, to SO the One woman managed time to return, dark at this point. shots. It was already women's league champiing penalty the other team, the national Sove Lavi staff score a goal, edging out brief and then the Versailles held a ceremony about for the next ons, I-0. Mme pamphlets scattered leaving the crumpled and Josue quickly rushed home, Versailles hailed the event a success, son. The rest crowd to read. Mme Lavi's new jeep with Mme Versailles's the rest The pair left in Sove making light of what agreed. rented bus back to potoprens, 1997; Smith of the staff took the of chan pwen (Averill as a clear failure-examples of the staff viewed (1990) called "hidden transcripts." 2004) or what James C. Scott leaving the crumpled and Josue quickly rushed home, Versailles hailed the event a success, son. The rest crowd to read. Mme Lavi's new jeep with Mme Versailles's the rest The pair left in Sove making light of what agreed. rented bus back to potoprens, 1997; Smith of the staff took the of chan pwen (Averill as a clear failure-examples of the staff viewed (1990) called "hidden transcripts." 2004) or what James C. Scott --- Page 121 --- ALL IN THE FAMILY Staff. Analyses: Crisis Management and Lack of This soccer match was to many Sove Lavi staff Autonomy sis management). emblematic of gestion de crise According to Lunise, "When (crimanner, when someone's at the things are done in a hierarchical head, you are you theyw will call you, or when always waiting. When they need communication you need them you seek them out. isn't sufficient, because there is Sometimes, the else stopping you because of the always some fear or something said that as with hierarchy. A former Sove Lavi deputy many other NGOs in Haiti, Mme Versailles director personal business (ARS Progretti treats it as her own way Mme Versailles 2005:22). This attitude is demonstrated in the Lejeune demands everyone's involvement at the last minute. complained, "It's always at the last minute Mme arises. Very often it is a question of that an urgent question money. So, for the aging the day-to-day. s This staff moment, I am just manfeel with their lack of concern mirrors the frustration CAC members participation in the of the problems and planning, conceptualizing, or defining programs on the ground. All these source: an autocratic leadership issues have the same in which the entire Sove style. During these periods of gestion Lavi staff becomes involved de crise overtime for days on end, the in a common task, working of rank or organizational chart flattens, making seniority less important. distinctions display their These are also times for individual loyalty to Mme Versailles. As with staff to the tonton makout Duvalier's dreaded secret (Diederich and Burt [1970] 2005; police, determined the "latent" Or de facto Ferguson 1987), this loyalty tional chart outlines the official hierarchy, regardless of how the or "manifest" organizaAnsanm, individual staff did not have hierarchy, But unlike at Fanm Têt ning. Mme Auguste the autonomy to conduct their own explained, "I am not planout an activity, there's always autonomous because even if you plan need to do! Here's how something that needs to happen: 'Here's what we you have to do it! And we these periods of crisis truly lack autonomy." " During was in the management, the only way to command name of Mme Versailles. When another's time they had to seek her out to resolve two people's directives conflicted, the issue, and mean time. Autonomy is easier to nothing could be done in the to talk with Mme identify in its absence: people sitting, Versailles; the downstairs staff's waiting resolve a technical issue; or a fully loaded several trips upstairs to because the mission SUV that could not leave the office This responsab had to obtain approval or a lack of intra-office signature. Internal issues partially autonomy spelled out other problems as well. described explain the conflicts Sove Lavi had in the previous chapter. with CAC members only because we let people in the Lamented Yvette, "My heart is not happy, not community son for it." Mme said, down, but because there is no reaAuguste "We [trainers] are the communities. " These downstairs face of Sove Lavi to the conflicts and staff who go on missions are tryt to do something, Said Mme aware of these certificate, which is something Pierre, "They ask you for a badge, a simple. It's nothing; we could do it ourselves. AC members only because we let people in the Lamented Yvette, "My heart is not happy, not community son for it." Mme said, down, but because there is no reaAuguste "We [trainers] are the communities. " These downstairs face of Sove Lavi to the conflicts and staff who go on missions are tryt to do something, Said Mme aware of these certificate, which is something Pierre, "They ask you for a badge, a simple. It's nothing; we could do it ourselves. --- Page 122 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS were asking for a badge or a certificate In mission reports we write that people But Sove Lavi never gave them that states that they participated in the training. follow-up reports. But " I have seen these requests made in several a certificate." after the program had ended, this apparent in the summer of 2006, two years continued, "We go to all the lack of respect still stung for CAC members. Georges often, when We sit down and speak with people. However, very small towns. to respond. For example, present their requests, you are powerless people stipend is too small. Sometimes you people complain that the transportation is written, you underis too small, but that's how the project realize that it really frustrations with having to bring their stand?" This is related to employees' own Sove Lavi did not provide them. own toilet paper or pens to work because staff feel "powerless. " When Regardless of whether it is actually true in practice, said that they wished the or offer solutions, many asked to pinpoint problem wished for better lines of commuBarring this, they they had more autonomy. Sove Lavi to the communities nication between the technical team who represent working upstairs in the office. and the unseen administration, of the report from a contractor, who had These problems were the subject most of the same staff. The by interviewing conducted a "SWOT" analysist clearly defined report called for open lines of communication, Some of French-language of the office. M. Lescot was hired as a result. roles, and a restructuring however: "We estimate that even the contractor's analyses were a bit different, behaviors, certain employees if the institution's structure favors irresponsible obligations, highlighting profit from this situation to not fulfill their contractual > the report conindiscipline." > . According to certain employees," al reprehensible problem-resolution policies create section, "the institutional tinued in a different in order to resolve a problem, the responsible frustrations because most often, that ' This last quotation suggests party is cornered in front of his subordinates." exist. When I was at least some of the responsabs are aware that problems at six people were let go, and three more Sove Lavi from June 2004 to May 2005, de jure to workGiven Haitian labor law that grants protections left willingly.2 such as the adminNGOS opt to treat new employees as contractors, Once the ers, many and research and development director. istrator, technical director, obligation to the contractor. contract expires, the NGO has no legal one-year above on hierarchy suggests. effect on dissent, as the quote This had a chilling to Sove Lavi; in a country with a This fear of speaking up is by no means unique to have a desk job will very employment rate, people lucky enough 70 percent rarely act as whistle-blowers. zones of the Sove Lavi work space are Like at Fanm Têt Ansanm, different on men. As with Fanm Têt gendered. But Sove Lavi was much more dependent member of Haiti's Ansanm's director, Mme Versailles was a lighter-skinned In fact, all but one of classes, but she was surrounded by male managers. staff" were upper staff were men. The only other women "upstairs the administrative job will very employment rate, people lucky enough 70 percent rarely act as whistle-blowers. zones of the Sove Lavi work space are Like at Fanm Têt Ansanm, different on men. As with Fanm Têt gendered. But Sove Lavi was much more dependent member of Haiti's Ansanm's director, Mme Versailles was a lighter-skinned In fact, all but one of classes, but she was surrounded by male managers. staff" were upper staff were men. The only other women "upstairs the administrative --- Page 123 --- ALL IN THE FAMILY the trainers, all but one of whom were womenMme Lejeunes-who oversaw femiboth roles that are traditionally gendered and the receptionistisecretary. chauffeurs and guards were all men, nine. Like at Fanm Têt Ansanm, Sove Lavi's staff were also men. The Fanm Têt Ansanm, Sove Lavi's janitorial but unlike executive director notwithstanding, overall effect, Mme Versailles's post as the whereas women of higher authority were staffed by men, is that most positions Thus Sove Lavi's discrimination positive lower in the hierarchy. were structurally typical of WID has limits. Sove Lavi staff characterize their Like Fanm Têt Ansanm staff, however, to Georges, relawith their coworkers in familial terms. According don't relationships We are a family. I can't tell you that we tionships were "very, very good. have we can communilittle conflicts from time to time, but we respect, have echoed nearly every other the > His statement was by cate to resolve problems." chauffeurs. Mme Pierre added this folstaff member, including the janitors and in a family when you are "You feel like you are living lowing one of her critiques: celebrate one another's birthTèt Ansanm staff, Sove Lavi staff here. " Like Fanm Many keep in good contact with days and weddings, and help out with funerals. times when I have been another even when they are done working. Several one the clock called to check in on her mission," a coworker who was not on "on house with another coworker. friends. I have also eaten dinner at a trainer's States or Canada, or to left the institution to go to the United And when people work at the UN, they still kept in touch. Comparisons staff who have strong Fanm Têt Ansanm and Sove Lavi had highly qualified Both which many couch in familial terms. And relationships with their coworkers, them. This ideology of family and the both have some degree of hierarchy within patriarchal famAt least in "Western" reality of hierarchy is not a contradiction. hierarchical structures. Some Sacks 1975; Strathern 1985), families are ilies (e.g., than others; some are functional, while others families are more hierarchical are dysfunctional. with higher levels of cooperation Fanm Têt Ansanm is more egalitarian, and even monthly degree of autonomy. Labor for celebrations, and a higher this collective team spirit animates the reports, is organized collectively. While divide between upstairs of Sove Lavi's downstairs staff, there is a persistent work cultures. The upstairs is more and downstairs staff and different organizational the bulk of the organizational formal and businesslike, and they consume divide, was within Sove Lavi, the upstairsidownstairs resources. The hierarchy office divide at Fanm Têt Ansanm. more noticeable than the front office/back staff at Fanm Têt Ansanm get to While it is true that some back office or clinic least hello when the front or middle offices, most at say work without passing of Sove Lavi's downstairs staff, there is a persistent work cultures. The upstairs is more and downstairs staff and different organizational the bulk of the organizational formal and businesslike, and they consume divide, was within Sove Lavi, the upstairsidownstairs resources. The hierarchy office divide at Fanm Têt Ansanm. more noticeable than the front office/back staff at Fanm Têt Ansanm get to While it is true that some back office or clinic least hello when the front or middle offices, most at say work without passing --- Page 124 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS they arrive. Sove Lavi's upstairs staff can work an entire day without seeing anyone downstairs, unless a trainer comes up to fill out a requisition for an upcoming mission. This hierarchy can be heard as well when Mme Versailles opens her door and calls out Anne-Marie's name. Within minutes, Anne-Marie calls for one of the downstairs staff. Often one of the logistical staff is also summoned a few minutes later. Most telling is the differences in autonomy. Work at Sove Lavi is far more centralized than at Fanm Têt Ansanm. It is possible that these are just idiosyncratic, the differences between two individual working styles. When Fanm Têt Ansanm's director, Mme Dominique, is away, the only sign is an occasional backlog in reports going out. However, if Mme Versailles is gone for even a couple of days, work all but stops. These different organizational cultures partially explain differences in the relationships each NGO have with their service populations. Fanm Têt Ansanm has more space for aid-recipient participation. There seems to be a correlation between this and the internal dynamics of the Fanm Têt Ansanm staff. On the other hand, at Sove Lavi there are low levels of community participation and similarly low levels of staff autonomy. The same processes-communications and other bureaucratic blockages-diminish community participation and staff autonomy. What accounts for these differences between Fanm Têt Ansanm and Sove Lavi? Is it just the question of the personal styles of the directors? Both directors are lighter skinned, both have a master's degree, and both are fluent in both Spanish and French (but not English). Both married into an elite family and even hail from the same part of Haiti. NGO researchers argue that "dysfunctional organizational behavior is likely to be a rational response to systematic and predictable institutional pressures" (Cooley and Ron 2002:6). The next chapter explores this question of the differences between the two organizations in greater depth, examining the relationships they have with those "above" them-with the Haitian government and their donor organizations. --- Page 125 --- "We Are Prisoners!" Relationships from "Above" We are prisoners! -Mme Pierre, frontline Sove Lavi staff Monday. January 17, 2005, 7:12 P.M. The technical team meeting was postponed to 1:30 to coincide with a 2:30 meeting that was supposed to take place for Kanaval and filling out the weekly work plan. This 2:30 meeting never happened. Josue was supposed to come to the technical team meeting to help the trainers think of what is realistic. But he never did. Instead, he insisted, twice, that people fill out the weekly plan of action, repeating, "It is urgent." Apparently this meeting cancellation-and the insistence on the weekly action plan-is because the Global Fund called today. Either that or Mme Versailles just told Mme Lejeune about the meeting today. The Global Fund wants a meeting tomorrow. All the staff were shocked that the Global Fund would want to know, week by week, when things are going to be happening. What donor organization wants a weekly work plan as to how a project will be completed? Mme Lejeune, ordinarily a proponent of participation, said, "This isn't a meeting to change the plan. It's a meeting to plan how we're going to execute the project and when. The decisions are already made. 1 Mme Lejeune asked the downstairs staff to go home and read the alreadyapproved plan for the Global Fund, and read the weekly work plan, SO that tomorrow morning at 8:30 people can be ready to have a quick meeting. to be happening. What donor organization wants a weekly work plan as to how a project will be completed? Mme Lejeune, ordinarily a proponent of participation, said, "This isn't a meeting to change the plan. It's a meeting to plan how we're going to execute the project and when. The decisions are already made. 1 Mme Lejeune asked the downstairs staff to go home and read the alreadyapproved plan for the Global Fund, and read the weekly work plan, SO that tomorrow morning at 8:30 people can be ready to have a quick meeting. But there were problems with the printer, SO they needed to be sent to a copy shop. But Mme Lejeune didn't have money, SO I offered to pay the twenty-five goud. Since it was before four o'clock, it was possible to get it done, but Anne-Marie schooled me, saying that it's too late to make copies and that it can wait until morning. I didn't want to be in the middle of it. "Participation" often means co-optation to do a supervisor's work. --- Page 126 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS Tuesday, January 18, 2005, 2:42 P.M. Lavi office. Again it's pretty tense. People are complaining. In the Sove started around 9:45 and went nonstop until So the 8:30 meeting actually to take a break. They were putting almost I:OO, when people needed to stop need, when are they doing such together their plan: how many materials they and such, week by week. ambitious. And a lot of work got The plan looked almost unrealistically had a bit of a run-in every now Josiane and Mme Lejeune dumped on Josiane. to work. Again, Mme Lejeune said and again about how things are supposed the Global Fund wouldn't allow that it was not the time to revise the plan-since was also at the meeting, to it-but to specify it. Christian, the database manager, work dumped on him, too, of what his work was to be. He got a ton of get a sense statistics about how many several surveys as well as lots of work collecting Since it was Christian's attend the center, the trainings, and SO forth. that people he interjected over and over again first time at a technical team meeting, the forms, the multiplicity of frustrated at the lack of uniformity in he was filled out. So it appears that they need to have forms, and mostly their not being a discussion about these items. was handed a sheet of paper After the meeting broke up, Mme Lejeune how they revised the they informed Sove Lavi of from the Global Fund. Today, though Sove Lavi had given NGO's annual plan-for a meeting later today-even on November 9, and first draft of the annual work plan two months ago, them a Mme Lejeune said, "Take note of this, the second, revised plan on November 15. between the for your research. Look at the relationship Mark. l'sveryimportant NGO and the donor group." "Decisions Are Already Made" style tends toward crisis manageAs we have just seen, Sove Lavi's leadership This story directly from ment. Wea also have seen several bureaucratic blockages. top-down dictates strict, last-minute, fieldnotes offers a clue as to why: very and my donors, the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis, from one of Sove Lavi's Malaria. between the hierarchies within What accounts for the vast differences to pin all this on the Fanm Têt Ansanm? While it is tempting Sove Lavi and behaviors and management approaches two directors' personal styles, their "above" them. So for clues to punished-by the institutions the are rewarded-or and autonomy we need to examine explain the difference in participation them. a clue as to why: very and my donors, the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis, from one of Sove Lavi's Malaria. between the hierarchies within What accounts for the vast differences to pin all this on the Fanm Têt Ansanm? While it is tempting Sove Lavi and behaviors and management approaches two directors' personal styles, their "above" them. So for clues to punished-by the institutions the are rewarded-or and autonomy we need to examine explain the difference in participation them. This chapter completes the NGOS' relationships with institutions above relationships between analysis of the two NGOS' civic infrastructure, comparing between the Haitian and relationships the two NGOS and the government, NGOS and their donors. --- Page 127 --- "WE ARE PRISONERSI" Relationships with the Government characterized the relafor the World Bank, Alice Morton (1997:40) as In a report of Préval and Aristide between the NGO sector and the governments before tionship preliminary fieldwork in 2002-long a "cold war." My interviews during out of nineteen NGOS reported attested to this: only one person the coup-also and two others prorelationship with the Haitian government, as a constructive view, this hostility-expressed answer. Taking a broader vided an ambiguous struggle for control-has characternoncommunication and a back-and-forth Mathurin et al. 1989). of Haiti's history with NGOS (Étienne 1997; ized most "Cold War" of the office of NGO coordinawrote that since the founding Morton (1997:40) Planification et Coopération Externe, or tion, the "MPCE [Ministère de la either monitor or control has been trying ever since to Ministry of Planningl hand, a former Haitian minister of social NGO activities in Haiti." On the other funding going directly to of international affairs argued that the phenomenon it hard for the government to estabNGOS that have no public mandate makes to govern: "Haiti's undermines the state's ability lish priorities, and ultimately the dog" when it comes to foreign aid. biggest problem is that the tail is wagging of whom if the MPCE could speed up the process for NGOS-some When I asked a common complaint-a staff had been waiting for years for formal recognition, does not have "Don't forget that the Haitian government member told me, for seven months. So why not MPCE staff had not been paid much money." for NGOS to follow?lasked. "Our work streamline the process, make fewer steps alone the staff member replied. "The Haitian government is very important," NGOS are good, but they do has the authority to plan for Haitian development. Only the government has a mandate.' not have a mandate. is expressed in many ways. It This conflict over jurisdiction and authority not officially of supplies bound for an organization took months for a container Recalled the group's recognized as an NGO to clear inspections at customs. have it," rather than pay director, "I was ready to give up, to let them the executive from. "We're a charity. Why does the tax on it that only NGOS are exempt revoke the NGO status of a do this?" The MPCE has the ability to by government the law. Some NGOS resented the requirements group if it "does not respect said that the government "just wants Another director the Haitian government. report. They just want to feel like to know that I was punished with the [annual] they're in control." also fostered by practices of large, foreign The climate of competition is ministries (1997:25) notes a trend in NGOS "raiding" government NGOS. Morton contracts is short, and there "even though the length of [NGO] the for employees, the left to 'raid' in GOH few good technicians in government are relatively respect said that the government "just wants Another director the Haitian government. report. They just want to feel like to know that I was punished with the [annual] they're in control." also fostered by practices of large, foreign The climate of competition is ministries (1997:25) notes a trend in NGOS "raiding" government NGOS. Morton contracts is short, and there "even though the length of [NGO] the for employees, the left to 'raid' in GOH few good technicians in government are relatively --- Page 128 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS than their government coun- [Government of Haiti]." 1 NGO staff are better paid estimated that veteran of the Ministry of Agriculture terparts. A twenty-year could do nine times the with the same amount of money, the government tend to NGO could do." Salaries for NGO professionals amount of work that an professionals in the United with those for college-educated be competitive against Haiti's minimum salaries are calibrated States, whereas government veteran left his post to work for an wage. Tellingly, this Ministry of Agriculture have told me that, compared to NGO because of a higher salary. Several people of Haitians, who offices, and certainly compared to the majority of government ("big eaters," the Kreyôl equivalent live in poverty, NGO staff are gran manjè "NGOS live in luxury, with explained, "fat cats"). As one activist passionately and bigger, and offices that just get bigger new cars and big air-conditioned for everything" s Haiti is not an We're to be grateful what do we get? supposed see the issue of NGOS taking over outlier case; many world systems theorists erosion of Southern roles as the cornerstone of globalization's Petras governmental Kamat 2003; Leve and Karim 2001; states' sovereignty (Houtart 1995; highlighted donors' near total 1997). The situation following the earthquake less than I percent of U.S. in favor of NGOS: exclusion of the Haitian government Overall, these sets of practices funds went to the government (Katz 201oa). 74.5 percent of "brain drain" of Haiti's public sector. For example, amount to a and oldest daily newspaper, Le in 2004 in Haiti's largest want ads August (Schuller 2009). Of the Nouvelliste, were for NGOS or international organizations for positions were for private-sector jobs and 5.5 percent remainder, 20 percent within Haiti's government. is not limited to NGOS and the Haitian This environment of competition told me that they do not have a government; on many occasions NGO directors the answer was with other NGOS. When I asked why, in some cases and relationship "There's a fear that they will take our resources blunt. One director told me, sectoral aid away from us. > There may be some interesting sources of foreign NGO told me about a vast network differences, as staff from all but one women's But clearly NGOS, in which they share ideas and strategies. of other women's for limited foreign resources and a there is at least a discourse of competition in the book's conclusion, too closely with other NGOS. As argued fear of working since the earthquake. this concern has only magnified in the early 1980S, as Jean-Claude There was a brief thaw in the cold war and econrestructuring of Haiti's government Duvalier orchestrated a massive hostility was again Mathurin et al. 1989). The ongoing omy (Étienne 1997; at least during the first several months. tempered during the Latortue period, composition; for this might be the interim government's One possible reason government. > Several ministers in some people called it a "nongovernmental in foreign NGOS, including came from high positions the interim government Foundation for Electoral Systems, Bernard Gousse from the International brief thaw in the cold war and econrestructuring of Haiti's government Duvalier orchestrated a massive hostility was again Mathurin et al. 1989). The ongoing omy (Étienne 1997; at least during the first several months. tempered during the Latortue period, composition; for this might be the interim government's One possible reason government. > Several ministers in some people called it a "nongovernmental in foreign NGOS, including came from high positions the interim government Foundation for Electoral Systems, Bernard Gousse from the International --- Page 129 --- "WE ARE PRISONERSI" Danielle St. Lot from Creative Associates ernment was headed by Gérard International; and, of course, the govthat this Latortue, a UN retiree, It should period of intentional be emphasized context surrounding goodwill did not last, but this was the my research with Fanm Têt political Ansanm and Sove Lavi. Fanm Têt Ansanm Like many NGOs, Fanm Têt Ansanm had government. On the one hand, an ambivalent relationship with the larly those they worked alongside several engaged in HIV/AIDS issues. On the other agencies, particudenounced what hand, Fanm Tèt they saw as government's Ansanm workers, like Lisette's situation with corruption or failure to protect While Fanm Têt OFATMA discussed in chapter 2. Ansanm occasionally critiqued practices, they refrained from denouncing particular governmental Mme Dominique made this individuals within the government. [engage in] actions that distinction perfectly clear: "Extremist we can't join. Given their feminists times we don't participate with them, political character, many can't take because of because there are political actions our NGO status. > This we them a degree of respect from both the noninvolvement stance earned donor agencies that I government and some international spoke with, and it But it also drew the ire of other might help to explain their longevity. Aristide's women's organizations, which had sided with opposition. KONAP (Kôdinasyon the National Coordination of Nasyonal k ap Plede Koz Fanm, or Women's Advocacy early, vocal critic of Aristide's, Organizations) had been an (often referred hardening its stance to as his third) term throughout his second called for Aristide to (2001-2004). In fact, KONAP had resign, in the name of Haiti's openly Têt Ansanm had to pull their women's movement.3 Fanm appropriate for us," Mme support from the coalition as a result. "It wasn't had heated debates Dominique explained. "We are here to work. > on the topic, and while individuals Staff they did not act on them as a group. had differing opinions opposition gained momentum, Eventually, as discussed in chapter I, the February succeeding in their goal of Aristide's 29, 2004. Throughout the crescendo removal on departure, Fanm Têt Ansanm leading up to Aristide's forced tional and health services continued to stay open, providing their educato medanm. They were that among the few continued-or even attempted-to women's NGOs were days when function in this period. Of it was not safe to travel in course there staff could not make it to the office Potoprens and Fanm Têt Ansanm shut down, however, to open the clinic. The factories were also have a big impact. leaving workers at home, SO the NGO's closure did not During the 2004-2006 interim the period, Fanm Têt Ansanm's government was distant and professional. relationship to "We do our work, and we let the According to Mme Dominique, state do theirs. or competitive, she quickly said that When I asked if it was hostile they do share information, and indeed they to the office Potoprens and Fanm Têt Ansanm shut down, however, to open the clinic. The factories were also have a big impact. leaving workers at home, SO the NGO's closure did not During the 2004-2006 interim the period, Fanm Têt Ansanm's government was distant and professional. relationship to "We do our work, and we let the According to Mme Dominique, state do theirs. or competitive, she quickly said that When I asked if it was hostile they do share information, and indeed they --- Page 130 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS work groups, especially related to public are members of a couple of governmental "Regarding described the relationship as cooperative: health. Mme Dominique Health and the Minister of Planning, I can certainly with Public the government, when I call them, they always respond." say that, whenever I need, Sove Lavi of the 2004 coup. By the time I first contacted Sove Lavi during the last stage I research, the government had already met with Mme Versailles to discuss my with the interim knew about Sove Lavi's relationship changed, SO I only research with Sove Lavi in earnest Latortue/Alexandre government. I began my period. close contact for a twelve-month during May 2004, and maintained with the interim this time, Sove Lavi had an active working relationship that with During to Mme Versailles, "I can say government on many levels. According good. And we work, you see, to the state, our relation is very, very good. Very they help us, we the state is doing. And can't I say in the same way support what help them as well?" 2, several government minisDuring the symposium discussed in chapter the minister of public "secretaries" were highlighted, notably ters and top-level condition and rights, the secretary of state for health, the minister of women's and the secretary of youth the chief of the inter-sectorial AIDS team, education, the audience, the donor representatives, and sports. They thanked Sove Lavi, speeches primarily served a and one another for their presence. Their prepared the event, to show that the ritual function, to give a sense of importance to the imporand accounted for, and to signal interim government was present of AIDS and fighting violence the of the feminization tance to government of which were written by Sove Lavi against women. Their presentations, some of the interim government in staff, promised the support and -accompaniment" Sove Lavi's the issues as "national priorities." these matters, in establishing officials and the donor director sat in the center, in between the government The president of at least one of whom was always present. along his representatives, and one of the ministers passed the republic was unable to attend, shuttled into during the final day of support. 4 The VIP luncheon I was the entire message a few of whom had attended was full of government representatives, symposium. existed beyond the close collaboration with the interim government This week Sove Lavi staff met with one of of the three-day event. Almost once a health. scope worked most closely, education and the two ministries with whom they to which the public Versailles did not go, except if it was an event Usually Mme these meetings was a task usually delegated or the media was invited. Attending staff grumbled that it was of the "senior trainers," even though some to one description. Three times during my participant never a part of their official job had an official meeting observation period, a representative of the government week Sove Lavi staff met with one of of the three-day event. Almost once a health. scope worked most closely, education and the two ministries with whom they to which the public Versailles did not go, except if it was an event Usually Mme these meetings was a task usually delegated or the media was invited. Attending staff grumbled that it was of the "senior trainers," even though some to one description. Three times during my participant never a part of their official job had an official meeting observation period, a representative of the government --- Page 131 --- "WE ARE PRISONERSI" usually jovial and lively. Often Mme with Mme Versailles. These meetings were staff, the technical director, would yell across the hall for one of her Versailles to be present, to join them, to offer the accountant, or a trainer that happened On several occasions needed information, or to answer a particular question. (fringe benefit) of office, when I was looking for a ti benefis when I went to the was on the computer that I was some Internet time, a government employee he (they were always male) accustomed to using. The first time I saw the person, out that The Sove Lavi staff on hand pointed would get upand offer me his spot. he should feel free to conwhile I was a blan, I was not with the UN or USAID, SO this he Invariably, the second time I saw person, tinue using the computer. need to kowtow. Over the year that knew that I was not a donor, SO there was no officials. the Sove Lavi office, I encountered eight such government I frequented government staff into its work. Sove Lavi also made efforts to incorporate local governliaisons" of a couple of its centers were actually The "community Sove Lavi staff were chosen to officials. Like the volunteer CAC members, ment into the local community and power structure. facilitate the NGO's integration other local to the first contact with schools or organizations Especially during and official post indeed discuss the program, the liaison's name recognition directors, pastors, this task. Local people-school helped Sove Lavi accomplish the liaison by a deferential title based and community leaders-referred to "director. > Whether the position, "inspector" or on his5 official government whether they were doing official governemployees were "double dipping" or But I was able to observe role ment business was unclear, despite my questions. in Sove Lavi's official did side business while acting conflict, as the person during a mission to introduce the procapacity and on the clock. For example, participated, the other Sove gram in which the community liaison/inspector for half an hour while he met with Lavi staff (as well as myself) waited in the SUV late to our his other business. We were therefore the school director regarding feel it necessary to apologize or even next event. The inspector did not even he answered a direct question to his coworkers what he was doing (but ties explain his network He was just brase-maintaining from a foreign anthropologist). (literally "stirring"). and the sharing of organizational resources, Structuring the collaboration relationship between the including human resources, was a juridical'structural Sove Lavi was not an NGO and Sove Lavi. In the strictest legal sense, name. But government granted a license to operate in the government's but a "public utility" donors who did not fund the Aristide governto the outside world, including M. Lescot had the following analysis: ment, Sove Lavi functioned like an NGO. is not Sove Lavi for me. OK? Sove Lavi is now, what Iam looking at now, "The way Gras. In other words, he or she puts on a For me, it is like a person at Mardi But it is not the person at all. Because mask, okay, he or she dances in Carnival. what it has become today. It does that Sove Lavi is, is not the type of organization o the outside world, including M. Lescot had the following analysis: ment, Sove Lavi functioned like an NGO. is not Sove Lavi for me. OK? Sove Lavi is now, what Iam looking at now, "The way Gras. In other words, he or she puts on a For me, it is like a person at Mardi But it is not the person at all. Because mask, okay, he or she dances in Carnival. what it has become today. It does that Sove Lavi is, is not the type of organization --- Page 132 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS with its mission.' s do what it is supposed to. It is in disaccord, in disharmony, not in the NGO and donor sectors, M. Lescot, who had over a decade of experience as part of a historthis shift of Sove Lavi "masquerading" as an NGO understood organizations in Morton's taxSeveral other coalitions or umbrella ical process. entities, gradually became NGOS (1997:ii), certainly other donor-funded member onomy and compete with their to create their own programs as they began The Haitian Association of Voluntary Agencies organizations for donor funding. to coordinate NGO coalition group that was founded (HAVA), a USAID-created the Haitian government for regulatory activities, share information, and lobby Yet HAVA too closed its visible of this tendency. reform, was a highly example direct: "Essentially, we after it lost funding. One NGO director was more doors follow the money." of the Haitian government, As Sove Lavi was founded as a public utility reserved for the officio seats on Sove Lavi's policymaking board were three ex above, the Ministries of National ministries discussed same government Affairs and Work; and Public Health and Education, Youth, and Sports; Social this board-the Conseil Population. According to Sove Lavi's charter and bylaws, members of the board d'administration-was required to meet quarterly. Other at its the Assemblé Générale (General Assembly) were supposed to be elected by worked with Sove Lavi, there were no annual meeting. During the year that I to staff, as of of the board or the General Assembly. According since meetings had not been a meeting of the General Assembly December 2005, there several for this, includearlier. While there are explanations 2003 and probably Sove Lavi and everything it did, the situing the political crisis that surrounded from its formal decision-making Sove Lavi's disconnect ation was significant. influx of funding from USAID and the structures occurred during the massive Uvin 1996). The last time Global Fund (Paul and Israel 1991; Thomas-Slayter 1992; the organiassembly met to define their policy and strategy, Sove Lavi's general staff, and fewer programs. This meant that zation still had only one office, fewer centers, and Caravan took all of Sove Lavi's distance learning initiatives, guides, result, Mme Versailles formal discussion or approval. As a place without latitude and control of the organization's operations assumed much greater for the problems of this period, which provides a partial explanation during noted in the previous chapter. communication. participation, and autonomy with Donors Sove Lavi's Relationships between Sove Lavi and the government, Similar to the structured collaboration As with the three government minSove Lavi maintained close ties to donors. reserved for donors: officio members of Sove Lavi's board were istries, three ex As mentioned in chapter 2, USAID, UNICEF, and the World Health Organization. including the U.S. place in the symposium, donors were given a prominent of this period, which provides a partial explanation during noted in the previous chapter. communication. participation, and autonomy with Donors Sove Lavi's Relationships between Sove Lavi and the government, Similar to the structured collaboration As with the three government minSove Lavi maintained close ties to donors. reserved for donors: officio members of Sove Lavi's board were istries, three ex As mentioned in chapter 2, USAID, UNICEF, and the World Health Organization. including the U.S. place in the symposium, donors were given a prominent --- Page 133 --- "WE ARE PRISONERSI" triggering a reorganizaambassador, whose schedule had to be accommodated, tion of the program. a prominent and visible role donors played In addition to the symposium, in the previous chapter, other aspects of Sove Lavi's work. As described in many A USAID sticker identified in-kind USAID's presence was literally everywhere. chairs, desks, filing cabinets, and a donations of computers, monitors, printers, office accoutrements is unit. This use of secondhand window air-conditioning least when I worked in one, U.S. nonprofit certainly not unique to Haiti. At as well. While Sove Lavi offices are often filled with hand-me-down equipment USAID, it was the only NGO to receive such support from is not the only agency offering such a highly visible office in Haiti that I have visited (of thirty-three) of their donor. symbolic representation to the Sove Lavi office. For every event, This representation' was not limited Kanaval, or other mismatch, World AIDS Day, the Caravan, such as the soccer T-shirts in its official colors. Every sions to the provinces, Sove Lavi printed logo of the sponincluded the name and sometimes the organizational T-shirt there were different T-shirts for soring agency in large print. 6 When I asked why told that it was to make World AIDS Day activities and slogan, I was the same which province. Mme Lejeune sure that people knew which donors supported "We have to make sure we sarcastically reported to trainers in a meeting, a direct ref- * to which one added, "Our masters," have our donors in big letters, donors' names were also printed erence to slavery. In addition to the T-shirts, the donor's manuals. In most of the publications, on the covers of their training them as the guide's at the same level as Sove Lavi's, identifying name was placed donor's name was given top billing on top of coauthor. In at least one guide, the author. This symbolic action of them as the primary the front cover, identifying of conversation in staff meetings. letting donors mark territory was the subject staff that they had to rememtelling Mme Versailles took a pragmatic approach, of gratitude were effective their salaries, and that visible displays ber who paid at generating further support. their website. One of the outcomes This display of gratitude continued on certain number of news donors for a given quarter was a Sove Lavi promised fifty). The quarter had ended, and stories posted on their website (in this case, addition, fifty youths were only three news stories on the website. In there were chat forum and write a specified number of supposed to enroll in the online had enrolled--both Sove By the end of the quarter, only two people postings. Sove Lavi solved the problem by having Lavi employees. The following quarter, week and use four computers youths come into their office three afternoons per since there was a their website and use the online forum. In addition, to look at the end of the quarter some donors sent their dearth of stories, the week after in caught my be and they all were. One story particular own stories to posted, taken over all the contracts for the Global attention. Fondation Sogebank had the end of the quarter, only two people postings. Sove Lavi solved the problem by having Lavi employees. The following quarter, week and use four computers youths come into their office three afternoons per since there was a their website and use the online forum. In addition, to look at the end of the quarter some donors sent their dearth of stories, the week after in caught my be and they all were. One story particular own stories to posted, taken over all the contracts for the Global attention. Fondation Sogebank had --- Page 134 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS malaria, and tuberculosis in Haiti. Previously, Fund projects concerning AIDS, had administered some of the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) Fanm Tèt Ansanm's. This activities, including the smaller HIV/AIDS-prevention conversation, as no one dared publicly critique move generated backstage million in Haiti, or Fondation either the Global Fund with a $23 portfolio time the largest bank. But largest foundation and at the Sogebank, the country's since the foundation was new not only HIV/AIDS activists took umbrage, some foundation received criticism for their but also to health. And the to HIV/AIDS the of the chapter, Mme management style. Noted at beginning autocratic with them for sending Sove Lavi changes to Lejeune was furious after a meeting hours before their scheduled 50 percent of the budget-onlyl their plan-cutting Lavi late, past the end of the quarmeeting. One of the stories that Sove posted they were the best release by the foundation explaining why ter, was a press choice to manage all the Global Fund projects. but rather quite intenof donor centrality was not accidental This display formula for success. When I asked her tional, emanating from Mme Versailles's Sove Lavi had with donors, she replied: what relationship what do I have with donors? Relations I have with Well, um. To say, see, in an institution the first are. first, you them, um. : they, they most often, it is the director they person they see is the director. Donors, who's valuable . a first see. If the director is a person * you see, see, the who knows how to lobby, you person who is open a person know all the work you do. donors appreciate that. That is to say, they I was not able to get more information Note the hesitation in the conversation. below. But this brief the interview, for reasons I explain or precision during philosophy and the context in exchange outlines Sove Lavi's organizational lobbying for to donor influence and constantly which they work, being open further support. revealed to several Sove Lavi staff and This philosophy was most clearly mentioned in chapter 2. The during a series of meetings for the Caravan, myself Health Education/Counsellng [sic] Caravan, known to donor groups as Mobile Prevention" (the original was in for HIV/AIDS and Women's Empowerment in March 2003 with the first disburseEnglish), was supposed to have started Lavi's website. Given the of funds from the Global Fund, as was Sove ment difficulties were outside of Sove Lavi's sociopolitical situation, many logistical into Kreyol for the technical control. In a memo to Sove Lavi that I translated for the delay, and the donor had accepted this as an excusable reason director, fourth quarter of 2004. At a meeting of the pushed back the start date to the the responsi2004, the staff who had been given technical team in November nothing had been done, despite the bility for the project was in a panic because Mme Versailles even asked Ihelped look for used trucks, and expenses accruing. itical situation, many logistical into Kreyol for the technical control. In a memo to Sove Lavi that I translated for the delay, and the donor had accepted this as an excusable reason director, fourth quarter of 2004. At a meeting of the pushed back the start date to the the responsi2004, the staff who had been given technical team in November nothing had been done, despite the bility for the project was in a panic because Mme Versailles even asked Ihelped look for used trucks, and expenses accruing. --- Page 135 --- "WE ARE PRISONERSI" me to drive one from South Dakota to Miami becausei it was cheaper to buy a truck in the during one of my trips home equipment, United States. Ia also pricing out various tents, poles, and helped find tent sistently failed donors' milestones. sound systems. Sove Lavi conthe Caravan. They were several quarters late in Typically they barely get by at the end of a opening they planned the grand opening of a quarter, such as when with two days of and provincial center on December 27, 2004, planning in between and Haiti's Independence Christmas New Year's Day), SO it could count as part of the (also quarter.7 Being "Open" In February 2005, at the end of the day on the Mme Versailles called the Monday before "Fat Tuesday," tation about the remaining staff together to view a slide-show Caravan for donors that M. Lescot presenon his laptop. He was given this hurriedly cobbled together Versailles had asked assignment only the previous me to help him with the workday. Mme ing English phrases on images that presentation, especially translathad found. Later that were borrowed from websites or reports he who spoke afternoon, six of us, including a new English, gathered in M. Lescot's ice-cold accounting intern Sove Lavi's conference room. The office that also doubled as in the first half, presentation was well organized, and at least presented in flawless French. The earlier Sove Lavi proposals, content was culled from Caravan. The discussing the history, purpose, and structure of the practice run and our feedback lasted three evening, consisting of hours, well into the slide-by-slide line editing. Not a up the elephant in the living single employee brought over two room: they had been years, and nothing had been done. proposing the Caravan for effort to highlight the technical Instead Mme Versailles made every aspects of the perfect for the donors who would be presentation, wanting it to be how well it looked, assembled in two days. She commented on clearly impressed by the PowerPoint laughing while she did SO. technology, nervously Whenever she laughed, joined her. Aside from M. Lescot, Josue and the new intern whose as he dutifully made patience was visibly wearing thin changes, other given responsibility for the staff-especially those who had been While the PowerPoint Caravan-remained silent. But no one dared leave. practice run was occurring, the two led Sawyer-esque troupe of neighborhood janitors a Tom exterior and hallways. They had men hurriedly whitewashing the office's now smelled already finished with the chilly office, strongly of paint. The amount of which almost ritualistic concern about preparation, and the careful, resembled attaining a perfect PowerPoint religious or magical spaces, and presentation, and their "magic" Western certainly a reverence of donors It most certainly testified technology (Abramson 1999; to the Sampson 1996). Sove Lavi, attached to importance that Mme Versailles, and hence observers of appearances, particularly to their donors. While Haiti, such as missionaries, note the many casual profound respect that most The amount of which almost ritualistic concern about preparation, and the careful, resembled attaining a perfect PowerPoint religious or magical spaces, and presentation, and their "magic" Western certainly a reverence of donors It most certainly testified technology (Abramson 1999; to the Sampson 1996). Sove Lavi, attached to importance that Mme Versailles, and hence observers of appearances, particularly to their donors. While Haiti, such as missionaries, note the many casual profound respect that most --- Page 136 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS people, including (and especially) the presentation (see Ulysse's poor majority, give to their outward selfpolitical [2008] nuanced analysis of what she calls economy"), the stakes at Sove Lavi are "reflexive relationships with their higher, especially in their donors, as appearances can The morning of Ash drive reality. of the Wednesday, as I came into the office, final space were being made to the whole preparations The gas-powered office, especially M. Lescot's generator was turned on. Coffee was area. drip. The floor was being washed. Two brewing on the automatic conference white tablecloths were room table. Posters of public health draped over the Debris and papers were collected in a box and campaigns were hastily put up. room. Orders were being barked dumped on the floor in the back they were being summoned, down the stairs, and people ran upstairs as help, but no one could tell sometimes bumping into one another. I offered to me what needed to be another person. One by one, various done, each referring me to donor UN, MINUSTAH, the Global Fund, representatives arrived, from the and Prevention USAID, and the Centers for Disease (CDC). They were offered coffee and Control ference room, where the borrowed shuffled into the chilly conprojector was already backdrop. Two of the donor shining onto a wooden representatives were Sogebank and the USAID health Haitian, from Fondation her forehead, the only contractor. One of them wore an ash one in the room to do SO. All the cross on the room (which included Sove Lavi other Haitian people in the majority of Haitian staff), presumably, were Protestant. Since people are Catholic, this could preponderance of Protestants within the represent a general missionary history (e.g., Bornstein NGO sector, in part because of its The 2005; Mathurin et. al. room was full, as seven Sove Lavi staff 1989). around the long table. sat in the remaining chairs Speaking in French, Mme around the table, taking special Versailles introduced care to introduce everyone to stop by the office on Gabrielle, who had Monday to discuss payment for her happened December (discussed in chapter 2).8 Mme services rendered in invite her to come to the forum Versailles took the opportunity to tions, which lasted (while still not paying her). Following a good fifteen minutes, Mme introducM. Lescot, who recited his Versailles gave the floor to presentation. details that M. Lescot as a new hire could Occasionally Mme Versailles would add UN representative not know. After forty-five minutes, the finally asked the question So what exactly is the everyone at Sove Lavi had dreaded: plan for how to reach the ners, and what will be the specific community, who are the partthe room. Mme Lejeune outcome measures? An awkward silence filled stepped out. Mme Versailles finally laughed and explained meeting to plan those very elements. that they were having this remain She was deploying the "open" to donor control, which worked strategy that she resentative persisted, for her in the past. The UN repdetails. The USAID explaining that they had two years to work out these contractor intervened, adding that this was a good opportunity how to reach the ners, and what will be the specific community, who are the partthe room. Mme Lejeune outcome measures? An awkward silence filled stepped out. Mme Versailles finally laughed and explained meeting to plan those very elements. that they were having this remain She was deploying the "open" to donor control, which worked strategy that she resentative persisted, for her in the past. The UN repdetails. The USAID explaining that they had two years to work out these contractor intervened, adding that this was a good opportunity --- Page 137 --- "WE ARE PRISONERSI" statistics about how the approach to AIDS to work out such a plan. She cited of Haitians are 90 percent prevention was based on faulty assumptions-that of and of the disease and the three primary means prevention," indeed aware in behavior. Speaking out of that more should be done to encourage a change Gabrielle said (the rest of the meeting had been in French), turn and in Kreyôl HIV was the dire ecoreason people do not practice prevention that the major of this volume, and also Farmer 1992; nomic situation (see chapters I and 2 Gabrielle, saying Susser 2009). The USAID contractor interrupted Robins 2009; citing a situation with a group that they do not want to create dependency, of rice to members of their that had given bags called POZ (HIV Positive) planned in advance was Whatever agenda was meticulously support group. abandoned after this point. present what they Versailles again asked the donor representatives Mme out that such a Caravan wanted for the Caravan. The UN representative pointed Lavi staff. Speaking in poor had existed in the past, which was news to most Sove said that they were lookthe American CDC representative French, to titters, with the President's Emergency Plan for ing for people to do more HIV testing should focus on that, to which Relief (PEPFAR), and that the Caravan AIDS consented. The USAID representative suggested Mme Versailles immediately people to learn about HIVthat the Caravan encourage that it was important abstinence. Again Mme Versailles consented. prevention measures, particularly suggested that a Sri Lankan who spoke English," The MINUSTAH representative, out condoms and having demonstraHIV/AIDS was best approached by giving would be open to that if their correct usage. Mme Versailles said they tions on Fund representative said that it was they received materials. And the Global both governthat the Caravan work with local health organizations, important Versailles agreed, saying that it was a more mental bureaus and NGOS. Mme he to leave, the UN repbetter turnout. As got up effective approach to getting pointed out that many of the ideas resentative, a former Peace Corps volunteer, can't be about all these one another, that the primary point discussed opposed with everyone but they needed to things. Mme Versailles was just agreeing with local health and And further, if the Caravan was working make a decision. the idea of a Caravan would be irreleyouth organizations to assure turnout, choir. The whole point of the since they would be preaching to the vant, audience and funnel them into these Caravan, to his mind, was to attract a new another silence filled the Again after his intervention, local organizations. saying that lunch was ready. Mme Versailles who left at this point, room. It was about how to attract large The awkward silence was broken by a discussion which everyone said that they had to know the terrain, to crowds. Gabrielle about why local involvement was agreed, each adding his or her own analysis love to dance and to the table, Mme Versailles said that Haitians best. Returning boxes of beans and rice, chicken, and macaroni listen to music. Styrofoam lunch the Again after his intervention, local organizations. saying that lunch was ready. Mme Versailles who left at this point, room. It was about how to attract large The awkward silence was broken by a discussion which everyone said that they had to know the terrain, to crowds. Gabrielle about why local involvement was agreed, each adding his or her own analysis love to dance and to the table, Mme Versailles said that Haitians best. Returning boxes of beans and rice, chicken, and macaroni listen to music. Styrofoam lunch --- Page 138 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS with the foreigners and then the were passed around to everyone, beginning with the band that he 12 Josue suggested touring Haitian donor representatives." saying that it should be a group that was managed. One of the donors disagreed, Versailles suggested touring with better known and could attract a crowd. Mme who hailed from Haitian style of music) grouplike" Tropicana, a konpa (a popular celebrated their fiftieth anniversary. Georges her part of Haiti and had just appealed to a "different slice of politely intervened by saying that Tropicana to older people. it appealed society" than their target population-meaning work they had done with one or mentioned the pro bono Several agencies Everyone agreed that a big another group for public service announcements. artist Wyclef Jean, who had the Haitian American hip-hop name celebrity-like service work-would bring a crowd. just started the NGO Yéle Haiti to do public for that was this Yéle Haiti into a platform for a run president (Wyclef built Haiti was also under fire for financial mismanderailed on a technicality. Yéle One of the U.S. agency of the millions collected after the earthquake.) to agement worked with Yéle Haiti and promised mentioned that they had actually Mme reps information to Mme Versailles. As everyone ate, pass along the contact forced laughter on the part of some of the Versailles made jokes, triggering loud, that they reconvene Josue. Mme Versailles suggested Sove Lavi staff, especially agreed that it would of weeks. The remaining donor representatives: in a couple their offices with full bellies, some with extra be a good idea.3 They returned to left, Mme Versailles expressed lunch boxes. When the last donor representative how important it was to with the forum's outcome. She explained satisfaction Josue and the new intern make the donor groups feel like they are involved. in silence. Everyone else stared at his or her plate quickly and vocally agreed. the donors in the planning, in effect Mme Versailles managed to involve As evidenced by the vision of the group in exchange for donor funding. was able to selling eventually did get off the ground, Sove Lavi the fact that the Caravan First, it undermined the time and But this came at a price. secure financing. working on the project for the previenergy that the technical team had spent the most well-educated of ous two years. It also cost the Sove Lavi staff-possibly staff members had college NGO in Haiti (nineteen out of thirty-seven to any degree)4-its dignity. According degrees, and seven had at least a master's M. Lescot: like that [the forum], we should have Considering the type of activity document to someone been better prepared. You don't give a reference The two conand then right away, we re-propose this project. like we did, did not see that. These things tradict each other, but [Mme Versailles] of a lack much, because I feel that we give an impression bother me very very professionals However, there are some good of professionalism. master's degree! Therefore, for me, what here. Many people have their . Lescot: like that [the forum], we should have Considering the type of activity document to someone been better prepared. You don't give a reference The two conand then right away, we re-propose this project. like we did, did not see that. These things tradict each other, but [Mme Versailles] of a lack much, because I feel that we give an impression bother me very very professionals However, there are some good of professionalism. master's degree! Therefore, for me, what here. Many people have their --- Page 139 --- "WE ARE PRISONERSI" shouldn't have been asked here. In meetings with I see, these questions with solutions for these things. We people like this, we should come up should have already asked these questions. mentioned this meeting as an eye-opener Three other staff people specifically the process, exposing them. This strategy of pulling donors into planning for had the effect of giving that Sove Lavi had not decided on its own policies, and specific further control of the program: its goals, objectives, donors even using their website as PR for Fondation activities. This parallels Sove Lavi objective on time. In a following their failure to complete a specified for Sogebank useful because they offered donors openings sense, Sove Lavi's failures were work for Sove Lavi, in that they do greater control. It also on some level might team meeting Several trainers in a technical not have to assume responsibility. Mme Pierre exclaimed, "We're always running behind them. Exasperated, said, "We are prisoners!" Problems with Donors donors to this strategy of being "open" or allowing However strategic or genuine and educational materials "brand" themselves on their T-shirts, computers, successful. Mme Versailles's relationshipstratmay have been, it was not always friendships with individual deliberately focused on cultivating personal she inheregy had previously worked for her; donor representatives.' 15 This strategy turned it into a with three staff members and successfully ited an organization people, comprising four offices in large institution employing more than thirty can change A danger with this strategy is that personalities three departments. often in development institutions. For within all institutions, and particularly in January 2004 when I example, of all the staff in charge of USAID programs still there that October. conducted a round of interviews, only one person was "But, well, our diseffect on NGOS, as Mme Versailles explains: This has a ripple who work for donor groups, often they advantage is that most often, people need to begin again. But Every time they do that, you change their leadership. it is not hard, [that] we do not have is very good. I am not saying had our relationship Then, very quietlyl Well, we real problems with them. [Long pause. their any donor changes staff, problems with them." Every time a organization with the new staff relationships recipient NGOS need to begin cultivating Versailles did not elaborate on Unfortunately for this research, Mme she ended the people. that Sove Lavi had with donor groups, as what problems she saw "Ah! We need to say, can't we finish interview following this question, saying, five o'clock." We never comBecause it is, it has become this another day? have access to her perspective, the probpleted the interview. While I did not apparent, and with donor groups were readily lems that Sove Lavi encountered other staff spoke quite freely about them. NGOS need to begin cultivating Versailles did not elaborate on Unfortunately for this research, Mme she ended the people. that Sove Lavi had with donor groups, as what problems she saw "Ah! We need to say, can't we finish interview following this question, saying, five o'clock." We never comBecause it is, it has become this another day? have access to her perspective, the probpleted the interview. While I did not apparent, and with donor groups were readily lems that Sove Lavi encountered other staff spoke quite freely about them. --- Page 140 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS which Mme Versailles met with outside agencies Given the frequency with which of institutions were in her office, it was at first difficult to guess types the meeting and cigarette with Sove Lavi. But the smell of coffee before Versailles' meeting testifying to Mme smoke after signaled a meeting with a donor group, emotional investment and stress level. Sove Lavi staff arriving late, Danielle and others noted about The problem a about waiting on a discussed in chapter 2, explained in chapter 3 as problem for releasing had roots in Sove Lavi's structure. The procedure check to clear, of the board sign all checks. This organizational funds required that a member board treasurer for a neighAs the is common in small nonprofit organizations. to sign off on checks. But in borhood association in Minneapolis, I was required these procedures the organization grew exponentially, 2003, when overnight acknowledged this as Sove Lavi's weakness: proved outdated. Mme Versailles It functioned in the past, you "We have weaknesses like all other institutions. it. And all changes are manner. Now, you see, we are changing see, in a certain this is why that now, we have you see, Im made with a certain difficulty. So, the management reinforcement' > This was behind working on institutional chapter. This consultant also consultant's SWOT analysis noted in the previous the recomfor restructuring the organization. Among made recommendations their charter and bylaws to be in line mendations was that Sove Lavi change "mask" as the real in effect identifying M. Lescot's with their current practice, funds were also specifically Policies and procedures about releasing Two person. at least not by 2007 when I last inquired. mentioned but not implemented, creation of the post of research and recommendations that bore fruit were the manual. In addition to director and the adoption of a personnel development Versailles replaced the two deputy direchiring M. Lescot in his new post, Mme manual authored by a USAID tors. USAID had given them a template personnel such as the suggestions appeared to be boilerplate, contractor. The remaining which trainers of a "checklist" before going on missions, making and following before this suggestion. Many of the suggesshowed me they habitually did even and many problems follow from the discussion of the problems, tions did not report's conclusion.5 These disdid not appear to be resolved in the contractor disseminated to employcrepancies, and the fact that the report had not been to do SO (by after at least six months of promising ees in the form of a workshop were either on suggest that the conclusions preconceived, the time Il left Haiti), It could also be further evidence of the the part of Mme Versailles or the donors. taken action to solve a problem. to show that they had focus on appearances, Results-Based Management housed within its offices, there When Sove Lavi was a project of a UN agency, this were signatures. And expenses for organization was never a problem finding because it no longer worked on minimal. When Sove Lavi became independent months of promising ees in the form of a workshop were either on suggest that the conclusions preconceived, the time Il left Haiti), It could also be further evidence of the the part of Mme Versailles or the donors. taken action to solve a problem. to show that they had focus on appearances, Results-Based Management housed within its offices, there When Sove Lavi was a project of a UN agency, this were signatures. And expenses for organization was never a problem finding because it no longer worked on minimal. When Sove Lavi became independent --- Page 141 --- "WE ARE PRISONERSI" Versailles slowly obtained funding for other family hygiene education, Mme over the course of ten years. According gradually growing to a staff of ten startprojects, of waiting for checks to clear and always to Mme Auguste, these problems when it was a small organization. ing out late did not exist to the same degree studies address these very problem to Sove Lavi; several This is also not a unique to isolate whether it was the problems in scaling up. While it is impossible Sove crisis surrounding in funds, increase in employees, or the political increasei in 2003 was quite different than before. Lavi's work, the "scale" of the scaling up on the part of a board also have been jealousy and competition There might organization with Global Fund member who was also the director of another for the windfall funding. As a result of applying and USADHIVAIDEpRONnten an NGO, thrust into Sove Lavi as a "partnership" was becoming of such funding, constituent as M. Lescot's with several of its organizations, direct competition funds from USAID and the Global Fund critique outlined. In addition, the new Central to this new mancame with a policy of "results-based management." NGOS after they have spent agement style is the donor practice of reimbursing (Pollock 2003). "milestones" or service targets the funds, based on achieving the USAID contractor Management According to a preliminary study by management was sucSciences for Health (incidentally in Haiti), results-based According to the study more cost-effective: service delivery. cessful, encouraging NGOS note that theyl have strength- (Pollock 2003:22), Managers of participating and impact evaluation." ened their systems for planning, financial monitoring, their First an through two primary actions in contracts:" This is accomplished is only given if the NGO "award fee"-IO percent of the operational budget-that the NGO loses 5 percent of its attains performance measures (if not, successfully written into the contracts that permit original budget). In addition, clauses are costs excessive. According reimbursements if they deem the donor to withhold for managers to control costs and to the report, these "created an incentive data to identify of expenditures and to use this monitoring monitor the utility systems." > problems and inefficiencies in their operating in January Lavi's donors, the Global Fund, was founded Another of Sove "business as usual." " Results-based manage2002 with a mandate to go beyond to its first self-assessment, ment was a central plank in this platform. According Both modfunding was a success. the Global Fund's (2004) performance-based participation, and innoels, USAID and the Global Fund, emphasize ownership, whereas USAID manages difference is in their structure: vation. A significant U.S. contractors such as Management their health program through private, countries to assemble a Country Sciences for Health, the Global Fund requires The CCM is envisioned as a public/private Coordinating Mechanism (CCM). from both governmental partnership, with foreign and national representatives selects the "priagencies. The CCM reviews proposals, and nongovernmental disburse funds and manage the program, sends mary recipient" agency that will innoels, USAID and the Global Fund, emphasize ownership, whereas USAID manages difference is in their structure: vation. A significant U.S. contractors such as Management their health program through private, countries to assemble a Country Sciences for Health, the Global Fund requires The CCM is envisioned as a public/private Coordinating Mechanism (CCM). from both governmental partnership, with foreign and national representatives selects the "priagencies. The CCM reviews proposals, and nongovernmental disburse funds and manage the program, sends mary recipient" agency that will --- Page 142 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS for oversight of the proposal to the Global Fund, and is responsible a a single health heads the CCM, which signed In Haiti, the minister of public process. with the Global Fund in December 2002. contract responding to the results-based Sove Lavi developed a series of measures outcomes for every First, staff developed numerical performance management. these are called "milestones" (in English). quarter. In the Global Fund program, program with thirty local These include having an active distance-learning per quarter, estabpartnerships with two new radio stations schools, securing followed by attracting 50 hits in the followlishing the website by March 2003, the last of 2003 and 5 links 150 the next, and finally 250 in quarter in ing quarter, milestones form the basis for performance review: from other pages. These of each milestone's completion. Sove their reports, Sove Lavi lists a percentage work: how to measure Lavi faces one of the central challenges to nonprofit and "social change"i into This Midas touch, turning abstract processes Audre progress. and perhaps even insidious, recalling numbers, is difficult to achieve, tools will never dismantle the mascaution that *the master's Lorde's (1984:6) management regime, Sove Lavi ter's house. " Under the new performance-based and risked not receiving expected to attain all these milestones, was suddenly Sove Lavi hired a person whose job descripfull funding if they failed to do SO. this person's job the database for the reports. In practice, tion was to manage evaluating knowledge of written pre- and post-tests, also included overseeing participants (CAC memHIV/AIDS transmission and prevention from program were chosen to and parents). At each site, nineteen people bers, schoolchildren, true/false, open-ended, and multipletake the test, consisting of about twenty Mme Three staff were also hired for evaluation purposes. choice questions. also spent most of her time writing proposals Lejeune, the technical director, As is evident, Sove Lavi became more top-heavy. and grant reports. evaluation of performance-based conThere has been little independent and staff analysis, sugimpacts. Sove Lavi's experience, tracting's on-the-ground of this approach are not uniformly positive. gests that several consequences much of the period during this study. Like First, Sove Laviwas hamstrung during who went months without pay, people who worked for the Aristide government were not reimendured periods when travel expenses Sove Lavi employees Mme Versailles failed to submit a report on bursed. Staff were unaware whether with said results. There the "results," or donors were not satisfied time listing some of which were more than eight of these "arrears, was an accounting salaries were held for a period of almost two months old. In addition, regular The lack of available funds exacerbated months beginning in December 2004. procedures. noted above, including the check-signing the structural problems the shortage of paper and addition, the lack of available money was behind In their copier. Instead, a staff person-the why they could not repair or upgrade down the block to pay for copies at to walk five minutes "gopher" on shift-had of which were more than eight of these "arrears, was an accounting salaries were held for a period of almost two months old. In addition, regular The lack of available funds exacerbated months beginning in December 2004. procedures. noted above, including the check-signing the structural problems the shortage of paper and addition, the lack of available money was behind In their copier. Instead, a staff person-the why they could not repair or upgrade down the block to pay for copies at to walk five minutes "gopher" on shift-had --- Page 143 --- "WE ARE PRISONERSI" this situation less cost-effective than a much higher rate, on credit, rendering resulted in an inability to plan. before.9 More important, the lack of funds hampered implied by results-based management Financial procedures outcomes. In at least two technical team planning efforts, and in turn hurting missions to the provinces meetings, the staff responsible for coordinating The donors' reluctance to an additional day in the field for planning. running requested created a situation in which "we are always spend money on planning mentioned in chapter 2, when no one behind.' > The World AIDS Day experience (rush-rush) approach to tot the training, was hampered by their prese-prese came have time to get to know their communities. Sove Lavi staff do not adequate for the church services or local markets are held, volunteers, or to find out when example. cost-effective than centralized planning, Local autonomy might be more results-based management conespecially in light of these travel expenses. But discussed in chapter 2, as well. At the same local center stricts local autonomy a series of activities for the and staff had taken the initiative to organize included youth affair in the community. The plan 2005 Kanaval, traditionally a big similar to the World participating in the parade, utilizing cultural programming where volunteers would to have a Kanaval stand AIDS Day events. They planned youth on STIS and provide youthand staff would counsel pass out materials, in the center of an open-house environment. oriented alcohol-free festivities had made a collective effort to learned lessons about planning, they Having and not wait for direction from Pôtoprens. organize things on their own had been told that they were supposed According to a satellite office staff, they did, e-mailing their for their own programming. So they to take responsibility to the central office. There was no plan, which included a realistic budget, staff traveled to weeks. Frustrated, one of the provincial response for two word about their plans. Josue told her that Pôtoprens on her own dime to hear Fund's response, and because they were waiting for Global he hadn't replied for requisite expenses like printing Sove Lavi did not have their own money of Potoprens staff on behalf of the local center, a couple T-shirts. Lobbying with Mme Versailles a week before finally went around Josue and met directly not in the was the same: this activity was planned Kanaval. The response for it. That was the last Lavi would not receive reimbursement budget, SO Sove their own events, despite attempts by time any local staff took initiative to plan know there is a problem," said Pôtoprens staff to break this dependency. "We "This is what occupies all of my time.' Mme Lejeune. another difficulty in making the changes she According to Mme Versailles, staff. Mme Versailles outlined alluded to in her interview was a lack of qualified staff. This raises questions the need for more money, to be able to hire qualified NGOS always look and purpose of fund-raising: many about the sustainability principle, "if you're not growing, some citing the corporate for more funding, plan know there is a problem," said Pôtoprens staff to break this dependency. "We "This is what occupies all of my time.' Mme Lejeune. another difficulty in making the changes she According to Mme Versailles, staff. Mme Versailles outlined alluded to in her interview was a lack of qualified staff. This raises questions the need for more money, to be able to hire qualified NGOS always look and purpose of fund-raising: many about the sustainability principle, "if you're not growing, some citing the corporate for more funding, --- Page 144 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS to push for organizational expansion you're dying.' > Mme Versailles continued Fund and USAID refused. The even after the 2003 scale-up. Both the Global their objecSove Lavi to focus their energies on attaining Global Fund required worked. USAID had changed their tives in the locations where they had already with "turf" that began this Both highlight the concern strategic focus altogether. T-shirt. about which donor was on which province's section, freeze funds to Sove Lavi for a period of three The Global Fund decided to to the oversight staff at in December 2004. According months, beginning do not change, we can stop financing Fondation Sogebank, "If [these problems] myl knowledgeFor all of these cases, all oft the programs--to: the NGO for a period. of them. " Few staff had a direct there are two we did this to. Sove Lavi was one when people did with the foundation. During this period working relationship theorized that it was because Sogebankone of them not receivetheir paychecks, interest on the money that the Global bank-was earning also a commercial working at other NGOS, who invested. This staff had spoken with people Fund being paid two weeks late, which also shared similar experiences of habitually freeze. At the beginning of happened to Sove Lavi leading up to the funding staff. According to three Sove Lavi staff had a meeting with foundation Sove 2005, the foundation had just notified two of the staff, and a follow-up memo, also requiring substantial Lavi of a funding cut at noon the day of the meeting, foundation staff, action plan. According to changes to Sove Lavi's proposed and they did not with financial management, "There were many problems verification, there would be accept the course [we gave them]. Concerning actions in the budget. In general, things that did not happen, [or] suggested to their own annual things that needed to improve." According there were of their performance measures reports, Sove Lavi was not attaining IOO percent Lavi and Global Fund outA written exchange between Sove as early as 2003. to Global Fund's concern (written lined several measures. Sove Lavi's response ones - an that there were "too many milestones. To regroupsimilar in English) site, ' triggered a defensive reaction (written annex could detail the figures per goals. Another concern defending the need to include intermediary in French), without being clear about their purpose: concerned rapid growth in expenses > Mme Versailles's line item increased from $61,000 to $127,000." the "Infrastructure "these observations appear not to reflect written response was to argue that expenses are also because in addition to Caravans, the infrastructure think that reality community and social mobilization. I divided [into] for example not arrive at the cited amounts." there is a confusion because we did Sove Lavi's other major donor, During the summer of 2004, funds from Sove Lavi staff set up stopped. As mentioned in chapter 2, USAID, suddenly new CACS in July 2004, for the following month and even organized "Very meetings According to Mme Auguste, the month that the project was terminated. upon their return. Josue told us that the HS-2004 project stopped!" simply, mobilization. I divided [into] for example not arrive at the cited amounts." there is a confusion because we did Sove Lavi's other major donor, During the summer of 2004, funds from Sove Lavi staff set up stopped. As mentioned in chapter 2, USAID, suddenly new CACS in July 2004, for the following month and even organized "Very meetings According to Mme Auguste, the month that the project was terminated. upon their return. Josue told us that the HS-2004 project stopped!" simply, --- Page 145 --- "WE ARE PRISONERSI" to fund entirely with the CAC as a strategy, preferring USAID had done away USAID staff deemed more cost-effective. something like the Caravan, which members and Sove Lavi; four Lavi's sudden departure was shocking to CAC Sove interview. In their focus group interviews for USAID's staff mentioned it in their their frustration at Sove Lavi's CAC members in two locations expressed report, silence for the eight previous months. unexplained departure and ensuing Sove Lavi as an example While it could simply be that the donors were using travels quickly in other Haitian NGOS to perform better-as word to scare world, and certainly in the HIV/AIDS communitythe relatively small NGO about the timing and the that remain unanswered there are difficult questions from both the foundation and abruptness of the changes. First, representatives think of themselves as "police," Global Fund in Geneva said that they do not the work with the NGOS to improve their performance. that it is in their interests to funds are an embarrassIn the world of international development, unspent embarrassing for a group to staff in Geneva, this is particularly ment. According new approaches, true participation, such as the Global Fund that is promising both the Aristide and and partnership. The USAID reprtcsentatihes-during Sove Lavi. One Sove Lavi veteran very highly of interim goverments-spolke about putting them in their place, litguessed that donors' abrupt actions were area. keeping them assigned to a particular geographic erally between Fanm Têt Ansanm and Donors Partners? Relationships different. First, Fanm Têt Ansanm donors Fanm Têt Ansanm's situation is quite Têt Ansanm as one of their referring to Fanm call themselves "partners," Fanm Têt Ansanm has been able to "Haitian partners.' > In contrast to Sove Lavi, short, Fanm Tèt Ansanm vision and policies to their donors. In defend their own autonomy that Sove Lavi lacks. amount of organizational enjoys a certain of factors explain this. According to Fanm Tèt Ansanm staff, a couple told me that in Pôtoprens and in Europe Northern NGO representatives NGOS they finance. This language with the Southern they have "partnerships" and egalitarianism, in sharp reflects a social democratic ideology of cooperation management mod- "results"- or "performancer-based contrast to the capitalist distinction, reflecting USAID and the Global Fund. Is this only a semantic els of papering over vast inequalities between current fads in development jargon answers we must analyze actual North and South? (Eriksson Baaz 2005). For donors. While there was no between Fanm Têt Ansanm and their interactions Fanm Têt Ansanm being financially dependquestion in anyone's mind about those whose jobs entailed regular ent on their donors, several staff, especially was reasonably that Fanm Têt Ansanm interaction with donors, argued often were that Fanm Têt Ansanm autonomous. The two phrases I heard most institution with granmoun têt li (knows how to manage itself) and is an konn jere Baaz 2005). For donors. While there was no between Fanm Têt Ansanm and their interactions Fanm Têt Ansanm being financially dependquestion in anyone's mind about those whose jobs entailed regular ent on their donors, several staff, especially was reasonably that Fanm Têt Ansanm interaction with donors, argued often were that Fanm Têt Ansanm autonomous. The two phrases I heard most institution with granmoun têt li (knows how to manage itself) and is an konn jere --- Page 146 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS and treated as "elders in its head, > people who are responsible tèt li (literally I will discuss two examples most cited by autonomous). To illustrate this point, Fanm Têt Ansanm staff. "We Know How to Defend Ourselves" Unlike like Sove Lavi, was a recipient of Global Fund support. Fanm Tèt Ansanm, recipient" was not Fondation Sogebank Sove Lavi, however, the initial "principal took over the entire Global Fund but the UNDP. Noted above, the foundation During their first which included Fanm Têt Ansanm. portfolio midstream, staff made several demands for meeting with Fanm Têt Ansanm, foundation the foundation demanded milestones to be added. Among these, receive new specific targets for number of women who that Fanm Têt Ansanm have specific Mme Dominique, Giselle, planning methods such as the pill or Norplant. ended, family the office, the meeting had just and Jonette flatly refused. As I entered of work at Fanm Tèt three were debriefing. As with most aspects and these held out in the open. Several staff had gathered Ansanm, this conversation was director, was flustered, listen in and give their opinion. Jonette, a program to arguing that it was wrong to critical of the foundation's "dictatorial approach, voiced their support and to make demands like that. Other women just show up did not seem fazed, smiling as she for this concern. Director Mme Dominique foundation was trying to be firm, said that it was the first meeting, and that the what she had said in territory. Giselle, the clinic director, repeated to mark its "We know you are a medical docthe meeting to the foundation representative: direct the clinic, supervising that you are good at what you do. But I tor and health." Again this triggered assenting three doctors. I know the area of public her response, saying, titters from the small crowd. Mme Dominique repeated in principle to the with your science, and have no objection "We are not arguing have been working here for almost twenty idea, but we know the terrain. We work here. This line drew know what will work here and what will not years. We Variations of the three arguments were repeated applause from the other staff. staff in the afternoon shift as they the rest of the afternoon, especially to reported to work. Ansanm a letter the following week, welThe foundation sent Fanm Têt milestones and budget withtheir coming the NGO to their portfolio, approving Giselle recalled, "When we present out revision. In other words, they backed off. them. The donor tells us to with a donor, we discuss it with one of our projects can't because we are on the ground. We do something specific. We say that we in the field, we know the know the value of the field: we know the weaknesses And if it can't happen, don't field. We know what they're asking can't happen. to meetings Dominiquel is very clear. We have gone finance it. Yes! Marie [Mme You understand?" Fanm Têt when Marie says, T'm sorry that this can't happen. for both "politics" of defending their politik (Kreyol Ansanm has a long history 't because we are on the ground. We do something specific. We say that we in the field, we know the know the value of the field: we know the weaknesses And if it can't happen, don't field. We know what they're asking can't happen. to meetings Dominiquel is very clear. We have gone finance it. Yes! Marie [Mme You understand?" Fanm Têt when Marie says, T'm sorry that this can't happen. for both "politics" of defending their politik (Kreyol Ansanm has a long history --- Page 147 --- "WE ARE PRISONERSI" Several staff said in interviews, "We as well as "policies")90 to donor groups. USAID made a similar defend ourselves." > A few years prior, know how to family planning has been a request. As Catherine Maternowska (2006) argues, Haitian feminists, and of contention between donor groups, consistent point Fanm Têt Ansanm public health promoters-paid public health professionals. the of family planning. talk about importance staff as well as volunteers-often that the medanm, the women who Protestant, said Paulette, a very religious because they have too frequent Fanm Têt Ansanm, "like family planning, can't fully take care of children. When you have too many children, you in many come SO that they can take their health them. The women are happy; they their own hands." > increase the number of familyBehind this concern of donors wanting to for Leonie and her methods was the only way this would be possible: seen this planning workers' lunch break. I have coworkers to hand them out on factory of any and all materials the ravenous consumption "feeding frenzy" manytimes. World AIDS Day, during a lunch break, that Fanm Tèt Ansanm hands out during whether they be pamphlets, inside the factories at the end of workers' shift, or Workers who do not have time to stay and talk booklets, journals, or condoms. all of them) literally the other motivator (this is to say, nearly with Leonie or what they can, while they can. One swarm the NGO representatives and grab five boxes of condoms, each time when I went along, within less than a minute stack of five hundred packets of three condoms, were gone. A containing 144 well. In fact, Fanm Tèt Ansanm maxed journals was gone within five minutes as to distribute. In addition allocation of condoms that they were allowed out their and in visits to the industrial park or individual to giving them out in the clinic Beatrice, or Carlene received a factories, public health promoters" like Lisette, coworkers, or their relimonth to give away to their neighbors, their box per out 103,956 condoms in 2003. The gious community. Staff and volunteers gave in one of their monthly HIV-prevention staff told the volunteer motivators condoms, a frethat Fanm Têt Ansanm could not even buy additional There meetings made to deal with the condom shortage. quent suggestion the motivators manufactured in India, only a cerlimited supply of this brand of condom was a basis, and Fanm Têt Ansanm already tain number are sent to Haiti on a monthly Fanm Têt Ansanm was the lion's share. During the summer of 2006, received other month instead of every month, stirring up reduced to a distribution every promoters. discussion and discontent among the volunteer in Haiti, and broad support base for family planning While there is a very of working women, at Fanm Têt Ansanm's service population certainly among and coercive, bound up in politics times donor approaches are heavy-handed demanded that, just like the infor- (Maternowska 2006). Some years ago, USAID have enough of to give away, mational materials and the condoms they cannot like Norplant or hand out other family planning methods, Fanm Têt Ansanm distribution every promoters. discussion and discontent among the volunteer in Haiti, and broad support base for family planning While there is a very of working women, at Fanm Têt Ansanm's service population certainly among and coercive, bound up in politics times donor approaches are heavy-handed demanded that, just like the infor- (Maternowska 2006). Some years ago, USAID have enough of to give away, mational materials and the condoms they cannot like Norplant or hand out other family planning methods, Fanm Têt Ansanm --- Page 148 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS frenzy."' " In fact, the Fanm Têt Ansanm clinic Depo-Provera during the "feeding consultation. But USAID boxes of these two methods to give to people upon has giving out ten thousand in a month. Again wanted to establish greater numbers, discussed this. Giselle recalled, Fanm Tèt Ansanm flatly refused. Several people of service. > Sometimes, we don't look for quantity. We have quality "Ourselves, current donors, a couple of whom have supsuch as with Fanm Têt Ansanm's and the NGO's interest and ported them for almost twenty years, the donor's agenda. In this situashared. Other times, donors have a different politik are need to be clear with the person, clear tion, Giselle advises, "To begin with, you because here we are not don't have adequate time to give individuals that we if you take in ten people in a It's not a factory, it's a : Because an industry. that take in more than one hundred consultation-there are places [medical] comes like an animal, you understand? in a consultation-the person people not seek out this kind of thing." * We, we do health reasons why they refused explained several public Mme Dominique they distribute condoms, out the pill in the factories the same way to give and the more severe side effects. notably the concern about appropriateness the pill, they need to first "We said that we, for a worker to take for example If she has a doctor, to see if she doesn't have a problem. come here to see a with high blood pressure she could have others. People problem, an STD, For them, we should go to the shouldn't take the pill. [USAID] didn't accept. this coercive approach "ran factories directly to distribute the pill." Moreover, doing with the policies, against the same work we're counter to our institutional their health into their hands We can't explain to women how to take women. do contrary to what we say." only to something did not back down in their request. In Unlike the Global Fund, USAID USAID mission and their health Mme Dominique wrote a letter to the but response, them for their years of support for their programs, contractor, thanking because they did not accept the conditions stipurefusing the offer for funding refuses funding Even in the United States, it is rare that an organization lated. said, "There are other institutions that would from a donor. As Mme Dominique believe that it's a very large form of do it, but we said that we'll never do it. So I women's groups, in Haiti--feminist autonomy." While some organizations foundations-told me they will never global justice advocates, or grassroots one other NGO making such a money, I know of only apply for U.S. government especially from an NGO that had refusal of funds offered. This is a rare decision, mentioned in several of USAID funding. This decision was been a recipient interviews with other donor groups, as an interviews with staff, but also in attaches to their principles. example of the importance that Fanm Têt Ansanm and are willover funding They value their mission of women's empowerment offers funding that violates defend it and even refuse money if a donor ing to approach to imposing its politik on NGOS, Besides this forceful these principles. from an NGO that had refusal of funds offered. This is a rare decision, mentioned in several of USAID funding. This decision was been a recipient interviews with other donor groups, as an interviews with staff, but also in attaches to their principles. example of the importance that Fanm Têt Ansanm and are willover funding They value their mission of women's empowerment offers funding that violates defend it and even refuse money if a donor ing to approach to imposing its politik on NGOS, Besides this forceful these principles. --- Page 149 --- "WE ARE PRISONERSI" practices: "I almost signed a describes coercive management Mme Dominique interested, but in the contract terms contract with them for three years. I was could decide to cancel underneath the signature I saw that at any moment they it. I didn't sign it like that. > "We Know What We're Doing" control, as outlined Especially in light of the myriad ways that donors maintain Fanm Têt Ansanm this decision requires explanation. How was in this chapter, and refuse USAID fundable to stand up to their new Global Fund administrator: First, according to Fanm Tèt Ansanm staff provided several explanations. Têt ing? what we're doing." >) As noted above, Fanm Mme Dominique, "We know years. The most frequent staff Ansanm had been "in the field" for almost twenty was its of what was Fanm Tèt Ansanm's strength response to the question Tèt Ansanm's first strength is its stabillongevity. Mme Laurent argued, "Fanm old, the stability because Fanm Têt Ansanm will be twenty years ity in the area, that Fanm Têt Ansanm offers and the quality of services of our employees, I don't stay long at any job. But I've been everyone. > Edele said, "I am a quitter. about Fanm Têt Ansanm." here for what is it, ten years? Wow. That says a lot tenure at Fanm Tèt stability and the longevity of staff's To the institutional "Fanm Têt Ansanm has strength Ansanm, Giselle added recurrent training: Têt Ansanm, employees who with the employees who work for Fanm beginning training done for employees, have been here for a long time, and the recurrent a way to be up-to-date." experience, the other element of Besides the years of on-the-ground of Fanm Tèt Ansanm's what we're doing" is the shared understanding "knowing of whom could not answer this question, mission. Unlike Sove Lavi staff, many similar. The simplest about Fanm Têt Ansanm's mission were very the responses workers." This focus on the misresponse was "We exist to empower the factory of Fanm Tèt second most common staff response to the question sion was the staff referred to the fact that factory workers Ansanm's strength. As proof, simply: "If they didn't come, Fanm continue coming. Giselle put the argument "voting with wouldn't need to be here. " Note the double negative, Tèt Ansanm one's feet." Partnership, Not "Results" for themselves was staff cited for their ability to stand up An additional reason None individually had the veto power that Fanm Tèt Ansanm had five donors. Said Mme Dominique, "It that it would if it was their only donor, or one of two. end it's better that we work to keep track of everyone, but in the might be more change their politik and finance have many donors because every SO often they one individual instead. This way we aren't dependent on any other programs should they choose to leave. 5 where we would be destroyed staff cited for their ability to stand up An additional reason None individually had the veto power that Fanm Tèt Ansanm had five donors. Said Mme Dominique, "It that it would if it was their only donor, or one of two. end it's better that we work to keep track of everyone, but in the might be more change their politik and finance have many donors because every SO often they one individual instead. This way we aren't dependent on any other programs should they choose to leave. 5 where we would be destroyed --- Page 150 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS NGOS themselves, genFinally, Fanm Têt Ansanm's donors were primarily from individual donations and not the government. erating most of their revenue donors, certainly the Mme "We have truly exceptional According to Dominique, latitude we need to do our work. They European donors. They give us all the that the rapport we have they do everything. And I believe come, they inspect, believe it is because Fanm Têt Ansanm never lies, with them is very tight. We elaborated this point about not lying, understand?" While she could have know what you As she and many others said, "We she chose to focus on the positive. for different fundwe do what we say. > In at least three reports we do, and then its numerical service targets for twoing agencies, Fanm Tèt Ansanm exceeded said, "Happily, Fanm Têt thirds of the milestones. A donor representative capacity, of institutions in terms of organizational Ansanm is in the top rung on time. > This donor repremanagement and governance, and giving reports with only two divided the field of forty "partners" into three rungs, sentative rung with Fanm Tèt Ansanm. other NGOS on the top Têt Ansanm use the language of NGOS that fund Fanm These European with the Haitian NGOS they support. "partners" to describe their relationships NGO flourish, the European representatives While this might be a rhetorical practices than the U.S. NGOS did employ different management I interviewed differences are the length of partthat are USAID contractors. Two significant One European NGO in relationship. nership" and the oversight/evaluation for almost its entire twenty years of has funded Fanm Têt Ansanm particular around fifteen years. At least until late 2005, part existence, with two others for might have been because of the reason for maintaining long-term relationships and officer. Travel to and from NGOS did not have a Haiti office these European from the United States, representing a sigEurope is not as easy as it is to and But the donor institutional barrier to meeting new Haitian partners. nificant well as their Haitian management contractor representatives in Europe as part of their organizathat these long-term relationships are explicitly that argued NGO employee, "We all know lasting tional philosophy. Said a European process. The project development, is a long-term social change, not to mention that they had the freedom does not work for us. > She also mentioned because cycle with Southern partners in part to engage in long-term relationships of their own revenue from individual they themselves generated the majority unions. This is in direct contrast donations, particularly churches and trade financed by the U.S. most U.S. NGOS whose budgets are almost entirely with researchers have also noted this Other anthropologists and NGO donors government. financed by European and North American difference between NGOS (Edelman 2005:31; Macdonald 1997). for especially Têt Ansanm staff identified several areas improvement, Fanm that they should raise only what they concerning donors. While some argued that they could do better at Mme Dominique-argued need, others-including particularly churches and trade financed by the U.S. most U.S. NGOS whose budgets are almost entirely with researchers have also noted this Other anthropologists and NGO donors government. financed by European and North American difference between NGOS (Edelman 2005:31; Macdonald 1997). for especially Têt Ansanm staff identified several areas improvement, Fanm that they should raise only what they concerning donors. While some argued that they could do better at Mme Dominique-argued need, others-including --- Page 151 --- "WE ARE PRISONERSI" "When we discuss a project we don't attracting other donors. Giselle argued, that people can see of money. That is, we ask for the amount ever ask for a lot they had much more money and that is really needed for an activity." By 2009 described in it, and this came with many other changes seemed able to spend why they don't do as well as other the book's conclusion. Partially explaining Mme Versailles's strength, funding, in direct contrast to NGOS in attracting suffered from a lack of decried that Fanm Têt Ansanm Mme Dominique one of its problems is a lack of "openness": "I believe that Fanm Têt Ansanm, ourselves. We don't because of a lack of publicity that we do for don't openness Tèt Ansanm. While we have technicians, we have a person to sell Fanm for Fanm Têt Ansanm. I believe that who sells, who lobbies, have a technician at the same time, because I am parbecause I can't do it myself it's important, management, and direction. I know ticipating in much of the administration, outside, lobbying everywhere." directors who are never in the office: they're and administracould have spent less time on management as Mme Dominique not to. This has consequences, tion and more on lobbying, but decided done outside that Fanm Têt outlined: "There are things Mme Dominique have someone there to hear of it. It's Ansanm is not aware of because we don't you don't have don't want to give you funds, but because not because they understand?" While Fanm Tèt someone there, maybe they forget you, you vis-à-vis donors, well, and has a certain stability Ansanm does comparatively changing, as Mme Dominique that the donor world is constantly staff are aware donors For example the "You know that from time to time, change. explained: financed us for a long time but what happened, Inter-American Foundation they changed their politik." "Grès kochon kwit kochon": Autonomy autonomy, like participation, is a key As mentioned in the book's S introduction, define. One scholar defines an concept within NGOS, yet is similarly difficult to determine its own strucif it can "devise its own policies, NGO as autonomous It is thus independent from tures and relies upon its own efforts to raise money. the state, which is shared (Howell 1997:205). Note the focus on the Party/state" and Neame 1996; Blair 1997; Dicklitch 1998; by other researchers (e.g., Biggs Thomas-Slayter 1992). Kamat Ray 1999; Riordan and Sarkar 1998; Morton 1997; for NGOS to keep their distance from (2003:93) argued that it is important however, refocus this and Neame (1996:40), donors in addition to states. Biggs of "how to strengthen multiple preoccupation with autonomy as a question more for manoeuvre' SO that they can negotiate accountabilities and 'room to which they refer are the various effectively." " The "multiple accountabilities" members, service recipients, "stakeholder" groups or "onstituendier-indeding individual supporters. Edwards multilateral donor groups, and state agencies, keep their distance from (2003:93) argued that it is important however, refocus this and Neame (1996:40), donors in addition to states. Biggs of "how to strengthen multiple preoccupation with autonomy as a question more for manoeuvre' SO that they can negotiate accountabilities and 'room to which they refer are the various effectively." " The "multiple accountabilities" members, service recipients, "stakeholder" groups or "onstituendier-indeding individual supporters. Edwards multilateral donor groups, and state agencies, --- Page 152 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS "downward is nearly note that accountability and Hulme (1996b:254-255) always weaker than upward accountability." Fanm Tèt Ansanm has While Sove Lavi is a classic donor-led organization, communities, and they are Since both are working with poor certain autonomy. activities like micro-credit or craft sales, not engaged in income-generating A Haitian proverb quoted to neither NGO can ever be financially autonomous. "grès kochon kwit times defines this form of financial autonomy: me several cooks in its own fat." In other which literally translates as "the pig of kochon," 21 If this was the only operable standard words, nothing outside is required.? considered autonomous: I can count autonomyi in Haiti, veryi few NGOS could be hand. Most of these are assothose NGOS for whom this is even possible on one the Haitian American like ciations that organize a professional constitueney, d'Haiti, or Femmes en the Association des Industrialists Chamber of Commerce, Démocratie. 22 expressed in the phrase There is a second relevant definition of autonomy its head. This means institution (or Haiti) has adults at gran moun têt li, that an of making decisions on her/his/its that the person or institution is capable defend their politik, like NGO context, this means that the NGO can own. In the More broadly, an autonomous NGO Fanm Tèt Ansanm has continued to do. and projects by an and policies, choose strategies can decide its own politics the money" as do many NGOS, particuinternal process, and not simply "follow larly in Haiti. explained in chapter 2 and the differLike the differences in participation the chapter, the two management discussed in previous ences in organizational and clear comparison regarding autonNGOS in the present study offer a rich in the first Fanm Têt Ansanm nor Sove Lavi is autonomous omy. While neither Fanm Têt Ansanm has high levels of financial sense, grès kochon kwit kochon, Sove Lavi is far from autonomy, gran moun tèt li, whereas down programmatic Ansanm defended their politik by turning anything like that. Fanm Têt entire focus with the shifts in USAID funding. By contrast, Sove Lavi changed its orienfrom Clinton's WID to Bush's youth HIVJAIDS-prevention in USAID's politik CACS when USAID stopped funding them tation, and then suddenly dropping the money. This chapter has profavor of the Caravan-all in an effort to follow Sove Lavi. Mme Versailles, of how donors took control of vided some examples virtue. Coupled with this favorable declared openness to be a the director, for donor control when Sove Lavi orientation are windows of opportunity meeting described. In objectives, such as the Caravan failed to meet its specified (Vincent 2006). other words, the relationship is codependent positions. Whereas Sove Structurally, the two NGOS are in very different and their dependent on only two public development agencies, Lavi is entirely Schade 2005), Fanm Têt Ansanm has logic and cycles of projects (Sampson 1996; NGOS. Because Fanm Têt diverse array of support, most of them European a orientation are windows of opportunity meeting described. In objectives, such as the Caravan failed to meet its specified (Vincent 2006). other words, the relationship is codependent positions. Whereas Sove Structurally, the two NGOS are in very different and their dependent on only two public development agencies, Lavi is entirely Schade 2005), Fanm Têt Ansanm has logic and cycles of projects (Sampson 1996; NGOS. Because Fanm Têt diverse array of support, most of them European a --- Page 153 --- "WE ARE PRISONERSI" individual donor has veto power over the Ansanm has five donors, no single funding and directions can organization. As I have shown in this chapter, public dropped Sove For example, USAID suddenly change rapidly and fundamentally. development aid is conLavi and the strategy of CACs altogether. More broadly, also shown that both the short-term projects. This chapter has tracted through shortfall of funding that hambrusqueness of funding shifts and the constant donor practice, and participation can be traced to a new pered local planning In contrast, European NGOS-at management. results- or performance-based are not contractors of their govleast those that fund Fanm Tèt Ansanm-which: its development arm, projects defined by ernment and are not executing of the project with short-term constrained by the logic and rhythm are not NGOS engaged in long-term "deliverables" and outcomes. The European latitude to define which offered Southern organizations more partnerships, their position in the field. how the work is to be done, respecting civic infrastructure has So far, the analysis of the two women's NGOS' in the different indeed, there appear to be some correlations shown that, stakeholder groups. Sove Lavi had low spheres of relationships between NGO vertical relationships with developed and reproduced levels of participation, staffa fautonomy and similarly populations. and had low levels of individual with target autonomy. Sove Lavi's clientelist relationship low levels of organizational contrast, Fanm Têt Ansanm had much its donors was reproduced in the field. By and support attempted to construct higher levels of community participation, and organizaand had high levels of staff autonomy horizontal relationships, research has shown that these two NGOS tional programmatic autonomy. My in dependency on public aid because of the differences might be SO different specific public donor policies, This chapter has highlighted to development. and abstinence promotion. including results-based management the genesis of these two question is why? What explains The remaining for the vast differences in More generally, what accounts recent policies? The following chapter provides an istwa, USAID's and European NGOS' politik? historical account, to answer these questions. a --- Page 154 --- Tectonic Shifts and the Political Tsunami USAID and the Disaster of Haiti We are trying to juggle multiple Ifit was just poverty, there constituencdes-muliple issues involved. would not be as much money. There's the boat people issue, the drugs issue, the Congressional newi issue-Haiti iis a failed state Black Caucus. Here's a at the u.S. borders. -Jillian, USAID veteran October 12, Wamesde, 2005, 7:47 P.M. Today I met with Jillian, a USAID "retiree" who as a "contractor, , making is now working with the more money but taking fewer agency pay her own health care and retirement). benefits (e.g., she has to she could talk more Since she was a retiree I was freely, which she further thinking lobby to go downstairs to the food court. signaled by meeting me at the This was my third visit to USAID's Ronald Reagan Building, and SO I was headquarters, in the public-private me how the security culture getting used to the metal detector. It struck is made to feel normal, After about ten minutes, everyday. lunch. We had to Jillian came down to meet me and take me pass metal detectors on our way out. .g., she has to she could talk more Since she was a retiree I was freely, which she further thinking lobby to go downstairs to the food court. signaled by meeting me at the This was my third visit to USAID's Ronald Reagan Building, and SO I was headquarters, in the public-private me how the security culture getting used to the metal detector. It struck is made to feel normal, After about ten minutes, everyday. lunch. We had to Jillian came down to meet me and take me pass metal detectors on our way out. We to elevators in favor of the escalator. We passed the bank of way. about how she was busier went down two flights, chatting along the since retirement. There rate chains offering familiarly were several large corpooverpriced fare: a couple of burger joints, and a Chinese, pizza, Italian, Mexican, "healthy" option. Jillian was a bit wistful as she discussed her a career as an development agency. She outlined the anthropologist in many changes, opportunities in her job. As one oft the first frustrations, and missed and as a woman, noneconomists to be hired Jillian was often frustrated by the by USAID there is much more space for other prevailing order, "but now she is white and voices. " (She did not mention may not have noticed the race, though overrepresentation of white staff.) --- Page 155 --- SHIFTS AND THE POLITICAL TSUNAMI TECTONIC "It depends, P she began, "on where Do these voices get listened to?, I wondered. that she indeed climbed up in the food chain.' " When I was able to assess you are where she actually had some "budgeting authority" the food chain to the point the U.S. ambassador said about setting" ability, I repeated what and "agenda this time. > At this point, she clammed Haiti, that we needed to "get Haiti right Haiti." "We can't help Haiti. Haiti needs to help up, intoning, offered a lesson to this new anthropologist, a story Following this, Jillian write a scathing critique of the about her own PhD thesis. She was all set to this reserAffairs, about how they screwed up life on particular Bureau of Indian conclusions with the tribal elders, and one in vation she studied. She shared her she it all wrong, that the tribe shook his head and told her that got her particular That was the end of her story, analysis, itself was to blame for its problems. and the interview. within the Food Chain? Structure or Agency debate within social theory, that of structure Jillian's story highlights a central with free will, or are our actions versus agency. Are human beings agents acting structure? If her own istwa is to determined wholly by our social and our place situation and dropped her read Jillian took this as an "either-or" be literally, this comment by a single tribal elder-so social analysis altogether following on "Haiti." In this, Jillian that later she pins all of Haiti's problems much SO years similar refrain in my discussions in Washington. was far from unique; this was a framework in their heads other activists with a similar binary Ihave seen young victimized by U.S. imperialism and essentialized Haiti being about a singular, observe behaviors that don't fit their globalization turn cynical when they climbing up the food chain as romanticized ideal. One young man in particular, with him revealed an it were, was a good case in point: my sporadic contact lesson Jillian offers for increasing cynicism. He now works for USAID. Another the food chain. debate is that it matters where one is in the structure/agency uncovering clues to understand the This chapter explores these questions, Lavi. victimized by U.S. imperialism and essentialized Haiti being about a singular, observe behaviors that don't fit their globalization turn cynical when they climbing up the food chain as romanticized ideal. One young man in particular, with him revealed an it were, was a good case in point: my sporadic contact lesson Jillian offers for increasing cynicism. He now works for USAID. Another the food chain. debate is that it matters where one is in the structure/agency uncovering clues to understand the This chapter explores these questions, Lavi. at Fanm Têt Ansanm and Sove Development very different outcomes and "results" discussed in the previous policies like the focus on abstinence on their place in different realities to people depending chapter can represent human action and decision, policies have a the food chain. And as products of the social life of these two "social life" (Appadurai 1986). This chapter analyzes contracting. promotion and performance- or results-based policies, abstinence the security apparatus and began in a particular milieu, post-9/II Both policies institutions and the ongoing political battleground its impact on development U.S. "results" discussed in the previous policies like the focus on abstinence on their place in different realities to people depending chapter can represent human action and decision, policies have a the food chain. And as products of the social life of these two "social life" (Appadurai 1986). This chapter analyzes contracting. promotion and performance- or results-based policies, abstinence the security apparatus and began in a particular milieu, post-9/II Both policies institutions and the ongoing political battleground its impact on development U.S. political system. This "development" within the two-party surrounding dimension to aid in general, and particularly chapter outlines this political Haiti and these policies. --- Page 156 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS between the civic infrastrucChapters 2 through 4 presented a comparison Comparing the two Sove Lavi and Fanm Tèt Ansanm. ture of the two NGOS, seems to shape the levels and NGOS is instructive: the donor-NGO relationship The previous beneficiaries' participation and the NGOs' autonomy. quality of low level and quality of participation stems from chapter argued that Sove Lavi's USAID-impose approach in which their donors-especially a rapidly shifting performance-based management approaches their politik on Sove Lavi, including on abstinence. with an emphasis and an "ABC" method of HIV/AIDS prevention for the difference in the two NGOS' donors' approaches? What accounts the focus of this chapter. To do SO requires Answering this question is of the donor agencies, as well attention to the internal dynamics and structures in the United constraints. With public aid to development as organizational there is also always a political element to debates, States tied to foreign policy, Haiti was its own cristructures. While experiencing policies, and institutional and structures were in sis, in the United States following 9/11 these processes underwent raddiscourses and institutional structures flux, as the legitimating interpretation of geopolitiUnderstanding them requires a nuanced ical shifts. cal shifts. shifts" because of their vast scope and global scale, I use the term "tectonic continental plates, these shifts appear as well as their relative invisibility. Like them causes friction, transformunderground. Movement within and between or volcanic through processes generating earthquakes ing the visible landscape out can be productive as well as activity, which Anna Tsing (2005) points and the Eurasian-are destructive. If these plates-say, the North American the other generates the rumblings as one pushes atop sitting beneath an ocean, and constituencies are bumping a tsunami. The friction as the interest groups the case of the 2004 likewise causes rumblings that, as in into one another massive and potentially dangerous tidal East Indian Ocean tsunami, cause be subtle and unnoticeable at its shores. While the shift may waves on foreign as it reaches Southern shores. epicenter, the effect is magnified and disastrous period is a consciously, since the post-Aristide I use the language of disaster 2007). These tectonic shifts are clear example of "disaster capitalism" (Klein NGOS, and even social escaping notice of many scholars, often subterranean, movements. because, first and foremost, it USAID as the focus of this analysis I selected that dispenses grant aid. international development agency is the largest than $23 billion in FY 2004; by way of comOverall, the United States gave more billion (Riddell 2007:56). Commission gave more than $9 parison, the European the United States gave $400 million durIn Haiti, this general pattern holds, as compared to $250 million ing the two years that followed Aristide's departure, Fund 2006). At least Commission (International Monetary from the European for offshore apparel factories, private until the HOPE Act offering tax incentives that dispenses grant aid. international development agency is the largest than $23 billion in FY 2004; by way of comOverall, the United States gave more billion (Riddell 2007:56). Commission gave more than $9 parison, the European the United States gave $400 million durIn Haiti, this general pattern holds, as compared to $250 million ing the two years that followed Aristide's departure, Fund 2006). At least Commission (International Monetary from the European for offshore apparel factories, private until the HOPE Act offering tax incentives --- Page 157 --- SHIFTS AND THE POLITICAL TSUNAMI TECTONIC been a fraction of official developdirect investment in Haiti has traditionally million in fiscal years 2002 and 2003 (International ment aid, $4.7 and 7.8 Monetary Fund 2005b:24). discussion of USAID, outlining its history, This chapter begins with a brief Following this and finally its position within the U.S. government. its structure, of"national interest" through which USAID is a thumbnail sketch of the process Following this "static" poremerged and within which it works as an institution. the end of the the tectonic shifts, the political vacuum following trait, I discuss model of governance. The bulk of this Cold War, and the rise of a corporatist during the 2001-2009 Bush discusses USAID's institutional responses chapter orientation, a shift in focus toward HIV/AIDS, administration, including a results of faith-based groups. of abstinence and the empowerment and the promotion include the creation of the global AIDS Institutionalstructural changes also and the Office of Stabilization coordinator, thel Millennium Challenge Corporation, Initiatives (OTI) and an increase in Office of Transition and Reconstruction, overhaul of international All these changes triggered a complete funding. assistance in January 2006. USAID modernist, mall-like Building housing USAID is a big, glassy, The Ronald Reagan federal NGO, and corpobuilding containing U.S. government, of *public-private" Hancock (2006) describes as a reflection rate office suites, which Mary of space. It would look and neoliberal ethos of privatization and erosion public lobbies in the United different than other downtown office-building feel no when they enter. Every for one detail; people are metal-detected States except two black women and one black man) time I visited, three black women (or ID. Behind a glass door with a security stopped me and asked for my working block letters was another reception area, looking modest USAID sign in white lines, one for visitors much like a hotel or bank lobby-with two separate very and a black man who staffed security gave and one for staff. Two black women visitors badges and told them to wait. without couches, and room was made of faux marble and glass, The waiting leaf as is common at other donor without even a set of periodicals to through, Union. Visitors have to institutions such as the Global Fund or the European USAID's various with nothing to do except look at the posters discussing stand, on the outer walls of the building: democracy, "pillars. s In fact, they were posted infrastructure, health, humanitarian assistance, agricultural development, the USAID office from the education, and SO forth. On the far wall, separating Marshall, of the Building, was a likeness of George rest of the Ronald Reagan kicked off the era of Marshall Plan, whose 1947 speech at Harvard's graduation international development assistance. institutions such as the Global Fund or the European USAID's various with nothing to do except look at the posters discussing stand, on the outer walls of the building: democracy, "pillars. s In fact, they were posted infrastructure, health, humanitarian assistance, agricultural development, the USAID office from the education, and SO forth. On the far wall, separating Marshall, of the Building, was a likeness of George rest of the Ronald Reagan kicked off the era of Marshall Plan, whose 1947 speech at Harvard's graduation international development assistance. --- Page 158 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS History OfUSAID USAID's origin myth continues with a bust of John F. area, skipping over the controversial Kennedy in their waiting Mutual $39.8 billion. According to USAID, Security Program of 1952 that cost the youthful even a full term of office, raised the President Kennedy, robbed of confidence that the world's spirits and hopes of a generation, giving Rather than establish problems, as well as "America's," can be it as its own cabinet-level solved. or place it under the position like the United jurisdiction of the Health and Human Kingdom, Departments, Kennedy placed USAID under the Services Or Treasury Its founding principles, also auspices of the State Department. expressed in the are simple: Do well by doing spacious, well-lit reception area, good. That is, promote U.S. giving out humanitarian (foreign) interests by assistance to peoples of Unlike the Marshall Plan before it, "developing countries." In a coordinated bipartisan USAID began with a divided popular will. strategic investment. public relations effort, USAID was sold as a good Representative Morris K. Udall of Arizona open letter during the 1961 vote published an mony to the House Committee authorizing the new agency, citing his testion Foreign Affairs that "the hemisphere of our world is in whole southern seeking a voice in their affairs ferment. New nations are emerging. Peoples are Communism is and higher living standards. The siren call of being heard in nearly every land" (Udall controversial (and now defunct) Alliance 1961:4). Arguing for the for backyard" oft the Western Progress, targeting "America's Hemisphere, Udall out to combat the forces of extreme wrote, "Here is a program that sets the best possible breeding poverty and political oppression which are that ground for Communism." " Kennedy himself "widespread poverty and chaos lead to a argued social structures which would collapse of existing political and into every weak and unstable inevitably invite the advance of totalitarianism and area. Thus our own our prosperity imperiled" security would be endangered Kennedy's American (USAID 2006b). This was the beginnings of of the "free world," century" wherein the United States assumed paying any price and making leadership liberty. W. W. Rostow's (1952, every sacrifice in the defense of provided USAID's 1960) theory of stages of growth and conceptual model.' development By this very public celebration of to USAID, the institution George Marshall, representing an "ancestor" Nostalgically deliberately skips its own controversial highlighting icons such as Marshall and beginnings. resents its best ideals to the Kennedy, USAID thus reppublic that the policy for the United States, developing "third world" is good foreign interests highlighting a defensive legacy of that should naturally insisting U.S. tional guide an institution dedicated to development. The ancestor shrine, indeed the internasents a symbolic attempt to naturalize entire origin myth, repreforeign policy and preclude the the linkage between development and ceptions of international imagination or articulation of alternative conassistance that are not bound with strategic interests. best ideals to the Kennedy, USAID thus reppublic that the policy for the United States, developing "third world" is good foreign interests highlighting a defensive legacy of that should naturally insisting U.S. tional guide an institution dedicated to development. The ancestor shrine, indeed the internasents a symbolic attempt to naturalize entire origin myth, repreforeign policy and preclude the the linkage between development and ceptions of international imagination or articulation of alternative conassistance that are not bound with strategic interests. --- Page 159 --- SHIFTS AND THE POLITICAL TSUNAMI TECTONIC onto aid programs lends foreign aid a This grafting of foreign policy objectives over how the national interest character, making it a space for contests political is defined. Structure of USAID about USAID's history and first visit, long after I finished reading During my pillars, a white woman in her mid-fifties who while I was reading about USAID's and I again went through secuyears with the agency met me, had twenty-seven) the elevator into a third-floor office. briefcase searched. We went up with rity, my unadorned hallway leading to a large room The elevator opened to a small, Nothing distinguished this five-foot-tall gray cubicle dividers. several rows of for fewer signs of indioffices where I had temped, except office from corporate dividers (a street sign saying "Elvis Presley Rd." vidual personality on the cubicle visible). Three glass-walled stuffed M&M doll were all that were and a huge field of cubicles for people in supervisory positions. offices looked out onto the office, SO we could close the door The first interview was conducted in such an out My interviewee's superior was apparently and "talk without interruptions few telltale signs of its use: no family for the day, "on the Hill," but there were pictures or piles of paper on the desk. in is a relatively small and setting policy at USAID, at least theory, Making specialists in the Washington group of social scientists? working as development annual mission evaluations, quarterly grantee reports, office. They sift through "field visits. " They particularly look and executive summaries of special looking reports, that arise from these prepared documents, for policy recommendations that can be pulled out of the local context for "best practices" or success stories dependent on open and elsewhere. Policymakers are entirely and be replicated authors-NGO directors, contrachonest lines of communication from report with their benefimission staff-who ideally engage in open dialogue tors, and it is circulated to all the geographic ciaries. After a draft policy has been written, At this stage, potential "bureaus" and the relevant issue "pillars" for comments. have more are invited by people who ostensibly exemptions or contradictions "missions.' " Sometimes comexperience working for in-country "on the ground" Intra-agency communication is of the mentary is made and the policy rewritten. once a policy is in place, every during this process because utmost importance in every part of the world is accountcontractor, and grantee USAID employee, s able to uphold it. It becomes "auditable." made over time, for example Gradual shifts to USAID policies have been the 1973 Percy begun in 1974 to implement with Women in Development, and called an "amendAmendment (named after the sponsoring congressperson, Act) calling on the agency because it amends the 1961 Foreign Assistance ment" WID had full-time women's issues. According to a policy specialist, to address "budgeting authority" in the 1990S. staff only in the 1980S, and it had only able to uphold it. It becomes "auditable." made over time, for example Gradual shifts to USAID policies have been the 1973 Percy begun in 1974 to implement with Women in Development, and called an "amendAmendment (named after the sponsoring congressperson, Act) calling on the agency because it amends the 1961 Foreign Assistance ment" WID had full-time women's issues. According to a policy specialist, to address "budgeting authority" in the 1990S. staff only in the 1980S, and it had only --- Page 160 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS It never attained the status of a "pillar" but "cross-cutting" issue that had the remained a relatively marginal pillars, whose chiefs had ability only to recommend policies to the "remained direct access to the director. WID's marginal; we always have to argue why justification pays off in a mainstream paying attention to women economic analysis,' said we can shift policy a policy planner. "But at least through our data analysis. It's The nominal process for policy slowgoing but some progress." well this change at USAID is slow and process is followed under normal deliberate. How The conditions for finding best circumstances is an open question. them practices in the field and then upward leave much room for human communicating politics. Regardless of whether the error, at the least, not to mention existence and dissemination policymaking process is actually followed, its function, shaping (to USAID staff people at least) plays a normative discourses and practices symbolic Actual practice does not often match (Hilhorst 2003:123). tion. According to a USAID the official process for policy forma- "on high" through veteran, policy is "smuggled into" the the use of earmarks, process from authorizing congressional directives attached to legislation or appropriation. an earmarks usually arise from According to a policy specialist, these member of Congress, an amendment to a bill proposed by an individual responding to a particular Complicating this, there are at least constituency or interest group. aid (Oxfam America twenty-three laws governing U.S. 2008:11). The 1988 Hamilton-Gilmon foreign Committee on Foreign Affairs was critical of Report from House "Foreign aid legislation and USAID's confusing structure: administration impede the gram thereby confirming the effectiveness of the propublic's view of the value are too many objectives in the FAA of these programs: there fact that they 'cannot (Foreign Assistance Act], SO numerous in mented" provide meaningful direction or be (USAID 2006b). One of effectively impleUSAID planner found example a congressional earmark that this education in southern particularly unhelpful was the removal of user fees in Africa attached to an already been done away with,3 Said a appropriations bill when they had USAID when we do things like that, planner, "We lose our credibility wrong area." Sometimes this imposing policies, directing a pilot project in the movement for social process of earmarks was linked to an organized change, such as WID. Because political contestation, the Congress is the site for political process of USAID earmarks is from process. Most frustrating for USAID staff inseparable the a policy staff called a "hornet's is family planning, what nest," wherein different advocate for directly opposing policy political pressure groups options. Decisions about funding and "strategic a hierarchical process initiated objectives" (SOs) are made through by in-country mission sors propose a budget to the mission staff. These SO supervidirector, who report and a request to the bureau compiles them and makes a Request and Results through a process called "R4"-the Review. These R4s are not technically Resource "public-meaning a policy staff called a "hornet's is family planning, what nest," wherein different advocate for directly opposing policy political pressure groups options. Decisions about funding and "strategic a hierarchical process initiated objectives" (SOs) are made through by in-country mission sors propose a budget to the mission staff. These SO supervidirector, who report and a request to the bureau compiles them and makes a Request and Results through a process called "R4"-the Review. These R4s are not technically Resource "public-meaning --- Page 161 --- SHIFTS AND THE POLITICAL TSUNAMI TECTONIC would have to initiate a formal writthat to obtain access to them, an outsider FOIA requests are the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA). ten request through are charged twenty cents per notoriously slow and expensive, and requesters and submit a budget for copies. The bureaus compile the country reports line page The names of grantees and budget request to the central administration. and chiefs hammer out an at this level. USAID bureau pillar items are removed submitted to Congress, then pubabout the budget that is finally review, agreement that is available for public inspection, lishing a "budget justification" document has been available on USAID's and comment. In recent years the USAID's budget, in 1971, at the website. Only once did Congress formally reject mistrust in of the widespread nadir of the Vietnam War, an expression other federal agencies, final Washington at the time (USAID 2006b). As with the House of of between the president, amounts are set by a process negotiation Representatives, and the Senate. from the process of units within USAID have been exempt Two specialized authority to set and moniearmarks and have been granted "notwithstanding" need for rapid response, the Ostensibly because of the tor their own policies. Office of Disaster Response were exempted Office of Transition Initiatives and the such as and often burdensome set of requirements, from these time-consuming bid for contracts through USAID's procurethe need to acquire a competitive ment office. The National Interest the end of the Cold War (Enloe 1993), This system was sent into flux following to define the national different interest groups collided over the struggle and and mission is the promotion of the interest. Central to USAID's existence of the Cold War, two interest. Founded in 1961 during the height U.S. national legitimating discourse focused on after the Cuban Revolution, USAID's years The October 1989 fall of the Berlin Wall, the threat posed by communism. and hence the Cold War, presented a heralding the end of the Soviet empire USAIDveteran, the "pubcrisis at USAID. According to a thirty-year legitimation international development evaporated that supported lic core constituency" This change generated significant ripples following the end of the Cold War. the results-oriented that were felt in Haiti. An institutional response was to show that discussed in the previous chapter, a defensive posture to approach interest constituencies took the opportunity money is not wasted. Particular in 2005, more recent strucfill the void. Under the Bush-Rice team beginning tural changes took root. of political maneuverPresident Clinton, famous for his description Under conservative political winds as "tackagainst what he perceived to be the ing function but its policies were unstable, constantly ing," > USAID continued to USAID was more aggressive in its changing. In this legitimacy crisis, the Clinton to show that discussed in the previous chapter, a defensive posture to approach interest constituencies took the opportunity money is not wasted. Particular in 2005, more recent strucfill the void. Under the Bush-Rice team beginning tural changes took root. of political maneuverPresident Clinton, famous for his description Under conservative political winds as "tackagainst what he perceived to be the ing function but its policies were unstable, constantly ing," > USAID continued to USAID was more aggressive in its changing. In this legitimacy crisis, the Clinton --- Page 162 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS selling the national interest to specific constituencies. public relations, in effect USAID (2001:21) argued that the One of the last publications of the Clinton in expanded trade substantial dividends to this country agency "return(s] a great deal to our domestic prosperity opportunities [and] contributels] assistance is really an to the American people that foreign and demonstratels) of a U.S. corporation who investment in America. " This article cites an executive in Cameroon. USAID for helping him secure a $750,000 satellite contract thanked economic interests began to overshadow Thus with the end of the Cold War, interest. An expression in the formulation of the U.S. national of USAID securityinterests interest is that in 2005, fully 93 percent of this privileging of economic U.S. providers of goods funds in Haiti came back to the United States through this is called "tied aid." and services (OECD 2006). In development discourse, relative similarities-with focus on U.S. business interests explains the USAID's described below-between Democratic the exception of approach to Aristide, regarding Haiti. and Republican administrations struggles also occurred within USAID's post-Cold War institutional identity ideology. The belief that free-market capitalisman ascendant neoliberal the best engine for growth and the regulation-is unfettered by any government dominant following a crusade led by fairest system for its distribution became Known in the United economist Milton Friedman. the University of Chicago following the 1973 coup d'état neoliberalism took root States as Reaganomics, IFIS such as the World Bank, previously in Chile (Harvey 2005; Klein 2007). neoliberal " gradually were taken over by Chicago-trained dismissed as "statist," Meanwhile, think tanks flooded the economists (Perkins 2006; Stiglitz 2002). 1993; Williams concentrated in fewer hands (Bagdikian media-incrensingly message. Since Reagan's 1995)--and the political parties with a pro-business both domestic and terms in office, these ideas came to dominate and Thatcher's the Democrat Bill Clinton was economically to foreign policy, to the point where Flush with corporate sponsorship, Richard Nixon. the right of the Republican succeeded in bringing the party Clinton's Democratic Leadership Council neoliberal, procalled the "center," accomplishing a Republican, to what they of the North American Free Trade business agenda, especially with the passage (or destruction) of welfare. Agreement and the radical restructuring USAID official environment, a senior planning In this unstable policy the U.S. national interest. In this list constituencies" define argued that *interest farmers" (she did not use the word "agribusiness") she included *Midwestern soy of international aid, organized well as NGOS that were created by the system as InterAction, the colloquial aid" lobby known as InterAction. under a "foreign called the American Council for Voluntary name for a coalition of 160 NGOS constituent support for overseas International Action, succeeded in creating mentioned telecomIn addition, she certainly could have health interventions. manufacturers, as well as the oil industry. munications industries and textiles ued that *interest farmers" (she did not use the word "agribusiness") she included *Midwestern soy of international aid, organized well as NGOS that were created by the system as InterAction, the colloquial aid" lobby known as InterAction. under a "foreign called the American Council for Voluntary name for a coalition of 160 NGOS constituent support for overseas International Action, succeeded in creating mentioned telecomIn addition, she certainly could have health interventions. manufacturers, as well as the oil industry. munications industries and textiles --- Page 163 --- SHIFTS AND THE POLITICAL TSUNAMI TECTONIC the fact that "individual members [of Congress] While planning staff deplore 91 it is nonetheless sometimes act like we are accountable to them personally," as a whole. This is to be accountable to Congress clear that USAID supposed defensive posturing; however, congressional oversight could explain USAID's The University of evidence that such a position may be unnecessary. there is Attitudes found that, if anything, Maryland's Program on International Policy for foreign assisopinion is showing signs of strengthening support U.S. public the end of USAID's Cold War public justifitance since the mid-1990S following (respectively) of in 1995 and 2000, 80 and 79 percent cation. In two polls, of funds for international polled favored in principle the use taxpayer people Policy Attitudes 2001:6). In 1995 a strong majority aid (Program on International foreign aid, while in 2000 a of people (64 percent) polled favored cutting was still significant, but felt the same way. This minority minority (40 percent) because research participants extremely the report's authors argued that it was estimate in the 2000 poll was 20 overestimated the actual aid given: the median amount. A 2005 federal budget, more than thirty times the actual percent of the shows that 65 percent of U.S. citizens support poll, PIPA's latest on the subject, of the U.S. GDP, the goal of the increasing U.S. development aid to 0.7 percent household to meet the and 70 percent support levying $50 per ONE Campaign, Millennium Development Goals. finally be evaporating. Since the 2008 financial meltdown this support may students in New York, many of them immigrants In my class, several inner-city the first in their families to go to college, to the United States and most of them not be sending foreign aid argued in class that we should have emphatically here in the United States. People of because there are many real problems in the "Tea Party" movedifferent racial and economic backgrounds both decidedly isolationism and a reduction in taxes, ment among other groups advocate development aid. The Tea much lower support for international heralding the oil industry scions the Koch brothers Party's organizing was well funded-by members of Congress, including others-and amplified by the press, SO among students and I have met, are again "jittery" about sending those with whom my movement, which arguably drew overseas. Time will tell if the Occupy went money in North Africa and which quickly inspiration from the "Arab Spring" Wall Street on September 17, global after activists squatted on Zuccotti Park near development, as it did 20II, will open up new political spaces for international reinstating the so-called tax cuts for the wealthiest U.S. citizens, for ending millionaires' tax. in PIPA's survey were less enthusiastic Interestingly, the people polled aid than about the humanpolicy role of U.S. foreign about the political/foreign (63 percent compared to as almost twice as many people itarian purposes, not be directed as a function of current secubelieve that aid should authors 34 percent) Policy Attitudes 2001:13). The rity interests (Program on International as it did 20II, will open up new political spaces for international reinstating the so-called tax cuts for the wealthiest U.S. citizens, for ending millionaires' tax. in PIPA's survey were less enthusiastic Interestingly, the people polled aid than about the humanpolicy role of U.S. foreign about the political/foreign (63 percent compared to as almost twice as many people itarian purposes, not be directed as a function of current secubelieve that aid should authors 34 percent) Policy Attitudes 2001:13). The rity interests (Program on International --- Page 164 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS shows that Americans are quite unenconclude that "an abundance of evidence of gaining influthe Cold War tradition of giving aid as a means thusiastic about this trend in public attitudes, ence over other countries" (30). Notwithstanding Report, arguably the history web page cites the 1988 Hamilton-Gilmon USAID's investigation into the agency: "U.S. public support most thorough congressional but the public does not view the aid for helping poor people remains strong, little concept of the aid this effectively. The public has very *5 program as doing used to advance U.S. interests. program as an instrument of foreign policy, aspects of aid, this idea the public is not enthused about the political Whereas reinforced to staff as they walk past of doing well by doing good is symbolically to work, and serves as a of George Marshall every day on their way the plaque for U.S. foreign aid increasing, and reminder to visitors. With popular support why would USAID diminishing, resistance partially' based on faulty assumptions answer lies in defensive in the 1990S and early 2000S? A potential be on the their agency staff refer to as "constituency." what development Constituency discussed the issue of the institution's Several current and former USAID staff wide among the This discourse of constituencies had currency at constituency. in United States and Europe development institution staff that I interviewed In its broadest usage, a multilateral, and private institutions. a range of bilateral, or public official feels constituency is a group of people to whom an institution in their district. In Elected officials' constituents are the voters accountable. the "stakeholders" in it, the groups or terms of organizations, constituents are The quotations introducing with the outcome. individuals who are concerned for USAID's work in Haiti, clusters this chapter outlined several constituencies sentiment, and poverty. Of of foci based on such issues as drugs, anti-immigrant to a specific group Black Caucus-referred her list, only one-the Congressional interest groups concerned of people. The others were presumably amorphous that there can be competing with the clusters of issues. Her colleague noted constituencies for family constituencies on the same issue: "There are targeted benefits to has ancillary While it is shown that FP [family planningl there planning. of both the child and the mother, as you know the health and education who want it gone. > are constituencies external to the institutions. toward groups These two examples gesture to describe intraat other institutions use the word constituency decried Counterparts Union development officer organizational stakeholder groups. A European there is the service line "situation in which we work for two constituencies: the It's often difficult to commissioner line, the DG [Directorate General]. and the Each has to get briefs. We're constantly servdiscover how to serve these people. institutional structures-one > To this staff, juggling two icing two structures.' Council, and the permanent bureaucracies, ostensibly elected body, the European These two examples gesture to describe intraat other institutions use the word constituency decried Counterparts Union development officer organizational stakeholder groups. A European there is the service line "situation in which we work for two constituencies: the It's often difficult to commissioner line, the DG [Directorate General]. and the Each has to get briefs. We're constantly servdiscover how to serve these people. institutional structures-one > To this staff, juggling two icing two structures.' Council, and the permanent bureaucracies, ostensibly elected body, the European --- Page 165 --- SHIFTS AND THE POLITICAL TSUNAMI TECTONIC "With this strucweakening the focus on development: the Commisions-was both foreign affairs and development. ture in the Commission, we are doing with that." " Each of the institutional groups-the And I am not comfortable staff. A Global different expectations of their development constituencies-had there is always donors, argued that "when listing the constituencies, Fund official a pause. And then NGOS. and the multilaterals, and there's always recipients, > The Global Fund's needs to go away. We're still an afterthought.1 That pause and oversight processes-is divided work-as organized through their charter donor states are believed to common interest groups. Northern into perceived recipient states, and NGOS of every share common interests, as are Southern strucThis division, codified into their governance size and from every country. between NGOS: "The NGO repreture and charter, papers over real differences people. They are very sentatives in the North tend to be policy or political have a lot of confiand as activists. They experienced in the arena, as lobbyists therefore apart others'- conducting research, and can pick dence and experience in the level of in the field." ' There is a difference they have the competence NGOS, as outlined by this Global participation between Northern and Southern Northern NGO rep- "Participation in the board is written into the Fund official: NGOS it is something on top of For the Southern resentatives' job descriptions. of them because they are in the field, their work. Often it's hard to get a hold much larger travel > Northern NGOS are also likely to have doing their jobs. some donors such as the Global budgets. NGOS are not a monolithic entity, yet Northern NGOS with small Fund treat them as such, conflating multinational outfits within Southern countries. of constituency are While it is possible that these different conceptions of is issue, I argue that this lack precision idiosyncratic, or merely a semantic development. During problem within international symptomatic of a general former USAID mission head, he most candid interviews I had with a one of the international NGOS. They are part of our conflatly stated, "We also talk to we need their Ifwe don't get the support that we need in Washington, are a stituency. NGOS through InterAction ' international support." This statement-that aid in the United States-was corroboprimary constituency for international has shown that the U.S. voting public rated by other interviews. While research even supports international development in principle-and strongly supports to foreign aid, a much higher percentage giving IO percent of the U.S. budget Policy Attitudes being allocated (Program on International than is actually general lobby or pressure group making 2001:8)-there is no consistent, for InterAction. international aid a visible priority in Washington, except low amount of explanation for the comparatively This provides one possible and also possibly accounts allocated to international development, funds being Other federal programs-such as Social for Congress members' defensiveness. constituent and infrastructure projects, or education-have Security, highway supports to foreign aid, a much higher percentage giving IO percent of the U.S. budget Policy Attitudes being allocated (Program on International than is actually general lobby or pressure group making 2001:8)-there is no consistent, for InterAction. international aid a visible priority in Washington, except low amount of explanation for the comparatively This provides one possible and also possibly accounts allocated to international development, funds being Other federal programs-such as Social for Congress members' defensiveness. constituent and infrastructure projects, or education-have Security, highway --- Page 166 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS The first is direct lobbying support group support through one of two processes. Association of Retired Persons, through organizations such as the American Association, or the and trades' unions, the American Automobile various building de ([18351 2000), who wrote American Federation of Teachers. Alexis Tocqueville read in political ethnography of the United States in 1835-still the first outsider associations as embodying the nation's science courses-hails these voluntary of citizens' Second, these projects are seen as part voting democratic spirit. ideals of civil society. enlightened self-interest, a holdover from Enlightenment within the received International aid presents a challenge to both processes that eventually system. Aside from NGOS understanding of the U.S. political advocating for aid, preUSAID funding, there are no organized groups receive of If InterAction of a conflict of interest or a cycle patronage. senting a situation would be roundly criticized for their member NGOS weren't nonprofits, they receive billions in efforts, since collectively these groups self-serving lobbying and poverty eradication are not International development U.S. aid annually. self-interest, a problem shared by groups often seen as part of citizens' direct owls, foreigners like trees or spotted that advocate for "the environment-just of this lack of a abroad cannot vote in U.S. elections. As a consequence and living vulnerable to pressure groups constituency, USAID is particularly general opinion,' 9 even and sometimes especially ever-changing perceptions of "public one that is misinformed. Responses of results-oriented contractAccording to senior USAID policy staff, the concept supported U.S. Congress members who reluctantly ing arose to appease jittery vacuum: & As a result, we are directed health NGOS in the post-Cold War political the results, measurable things that can be explained to taxpayer: toward easily out of Clinton and Gore's goods, whatever.' > In part, this concept arose and public corporate-style management policies "reinventing government," applying of this was "outcomespractices to the U.S. federal government. An early example into the No Child Left education" that, ramped up, has transformed based performing school disin education that threatens poorly Behind legislation because it is implemented on foreigntricts with financial penalties. Generally, policies, what aid is often a site for field-testing corporate-style ers, foreign effect: policies such as privatizaSusan George (1992) called the "boomerang" development settings, devolution are field-tested first in foreign tion and state in the North, in donor tried in the South and then implemented where theyaret Milton Friedman, began countries. For example, the author of neoliberalism, Chile. In the internain the dictator Augusto Pinochet's the experimentation was first applied as a pilot program in tional development arena, this concept selected as one of the pilot sector. Interestingly, Haiti was the HIV-prevention HIV-prevention contractor, Management countries, managed by USAID/Haiti's omerang" development settings, devolution are field-tested first in foreign tion and state in the North, in donor tried in the South and then implemented where theyaret Milton Friedman, began countries. For example, the author of neoliberalism, Chile. In the internain the dictator Augusto Pinochet's the experimentation was first applied as a pilot program in tional development arena, this concept selected as one of the pilot sector. Interestingly, Haiti was the HIV-prevention HIV-prevention contractor, Management countries, managed by USAID/Haiti's --- Page 167 --- TECTONIC SHIFTS AND THE POLITICAL TSUNAMI Sciences for Health (Pollock 2003). This financial incentives and punishments performance-based approach specifies for numerical evaluation in contracts, solidifying an increasing push In the Haiti pilot measures that every NGO director I linterviewed study, if all the performance noticed. was given to the NGO, If they were not targets were met, a 5 percent bonus the NGO. This pilot met, a 5 percent penalty was withheld from project was replicated with all and possibly all health funding. And it has become HIV/AIDS-prevention funding, in the FY 2006 budget justification: more generalized, highlighted based approach, "In this budget we propose a comparing need and performanceshare of the Development performance across regions, to allocate a Other institutions, Assistance account based on standard criteria. "7 oriented including the Global Fund, are also approaches. The Global Fund was founded employing resultsdate to go "beyond in January: 2002 with a business as usual"-and mankey plank in that platform results-oriented management was a (Global Fund 2004). The implemented a "Results-Oriented European Union has also Monitoring" ence shows, this policy has a System. As Sove Lavi's experining and potential consequence of centralizing NGO undermining local participation. Other planthis tension between scholars of NGOs have noted Neame 1996; Edwards accountability from "above" as well as "below" and Hulme 1996a; Hilhorst (Biggs and This shift toward the Global Fund's 2003:125; Thayer 2001:254). formance-based contracting results-based management and USAID's perfrom above tips the balance even further toward (Hulme and Edwards 1997; Kamat accountability eroding local participation. 2003; Nelson 1995), further Defining the National Interest This embattled USAID, still ground for another struggling to redefine itself, was also the fertile constituency. George W. Bush took ing two close and contested office both terms followthin margin of presidential elections. Taking credit for his victory was a newly empowered razorbuilt throughout the 1980s and evangelical movement, slowly 1990S through Coalition. Playing highly visible roles organizations such as the Christian Rightist constituencies within Bush's 2000 and 2004 were given powerful and important, campaigns, profile, positions within his but relatively lowadministration. With the U.S. focusing on defending abortion progressive movement imploring rights and to a lesser extent same-sex Congress to carefully scrutinize marriage, Supreme Court nominations, cabinet-level appointments and directed toward foreign attention in the U.S. public sphere was not stories in the New assistance, For example, in January 2006 there York Times about Secretary of State were two fling of U.S. foreign assistance and Condoleezza Rice's reshufpared to 177 stories about the naming a new USAID administrator, comThis nomination of Samuel Alito to the evangelical Supreme Court.8 rise to the constituency was rewarded for their crucial role in presidency. In his 2003 State of the Union Bush's address, in which he made .S. public sphere was not stories in the New assistance, For example, in January 2006 there York Times about Secretary of State were two fling of U.S. foreign assistance and Condoleezza Rice's reshufpared to 177 stories about the naming a new USAID administrator, comThis nomination of Samuel Alito to the evangelical Supreme Court.8 rise to the constituency was rewarded for their crucial role in presidency. In his 2003 State of the Union Bush's address, in which he made --- Page 168 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS also unveiled a $15 billion plan to combat AIDS. the case for war on Iraq, Bush was created under the Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR) The President's Emergency of global AIDS coordinator. Named direction of the new, ambassador-level post Randall Tobias, former CEO executive to this new post was the pharmaceutical contracting, giant Lilly. In addition to the performance-based of pharmaceutical. interrelated policy shifts: a focus on the new PEPFAR entailed two significant, service delivery model. abstinence and a faith-based earmark for funding abstiThe focus on abstinence, including a specific the slow, deliberative nence-related activities, did not come about through decision, handed described earlier in this chapter. "It was a political handed process USAID veteran. "It's just frustrating to be down from above," recalled a and our own research mandates that go against best practices down these policy it." According to an AIDS specialist, PEPFAR or policy. Many of us have lamented while "those of us in the field grants attention only toward health indicators, about the social and ecobeen doing development for years know who have people get infected as well as how nomic aspects of AIDS transmission, why of by people and the economy. There are a lot policy papers AIDS affects society the need to simultaneously who know what they're talking about, arguing some by HIV/AIDS. " Several studies, including address the non-health aspectsofl prevention policy does have shown that an abstinence-only 2006). anthropologists, a backlash (Gayle 2006; Gootnick not work, and in fact often triggers according to the USAID/Haiti Further, as mentioned in the previous chapter, methods of HIV/AIDS of Haitians know the three AIDS specialist, 90 percent abstinence, being faithful, or condom use. prevention in USAID's "ABC" plan: of AIDS prevention is A recipient of USAID funding, Sove Lavi's message - despite the fact Sove Lavi's aid recipients were "youth, focused on abstinence. old. As the line of reasoning of that many CAC members were over forty years policy and message for goes, abstinence is the most appropriate USAID/PEPFAR cost-effective than the expensive antiretroyouth, because prevention is more cited the proverb, "an ounce of viral drug treatment. One agency representative Lavi brochure jointly is worth a pound of cure. " For example, a Sove until they prevention that youth wait authored by USAID published in 2006 recommends No one at Sove Lavi could for their first sexual encounter. turn twenty-three Further, while there are questions on explain the significance of twenty-three. alcohol and drug use as a means for putting Sove Lavi's pre-a and post-tests about such about the link risk of contracting HIV, o there are no questions oneself at vulnerability and the rise between discrimination against women Or economic knows how this, and given that 90 percent of the population of AIDS. Given do donors continue to promote Sove AIDS is contracted and prevented, why It serves as a backdrop Caravan? First is a focus on appearances. Lavi's high-cost cultural activities, to be shown for photos showing crowds of people or engaging members of Lavi's and USAID's websites, one response to "jittery on both Sove HIV, o there are no questions oneself at vulnerability and the rise between discrimination against women Or economic knows how this, and given that 90 percent of the population of AIDS. Given do donors continue to promote Sove AIDS is contracted and prevented, why It serves as a backdrop Caravan? First is a focus on appearances. Lavi's high-cost cultural activities, to be shown for photos showing crowds of people or engaging members of Lavi's and USAID's websites, one response to "jittery on both Sove --- Page 169 --- SHIFTS AND THE POLITICAL TSUNAMI TECTONIC A closer look at the discourse Congress" to show that they are doing something. Sove Lavi's organizaanalysis and intervention. suggests a hyper-individualist behaviors. > This USAID analysis necessarily erases tional motto is "changing transmission, such as economic and social causes for the rise of HIV/AIDS constantly brought up at discrimination, which community members Farmer et gender demonstrates (Farmer 1992; istwa powerfully meetings, as Gabrielle's PEPFAR's abstinence promotion is Robins 2006; Susser 2009). As such, al. 1996; <blame the victim" tradition (Ryan 1971). the latest in the reveals that USAID is openly and Further, a close inspection of PEPFAR 2004a). An October allowed to fund faith-based organizations (USAID grants explicitly $IOO million in abstinence-focused 4, 2004, press release announcing needs a practical, effective cites President Bush as saying, "I think our country "Faith-based and > Tobias was also cited in the press release: and moral message. authority and legitimacy that organizations have a reach, community-based against HIV/AIDS.' > Like performancemake them crucial partners in the fight their into the general 2006 faith-based groups also found way based contracting, in identifying and forging agreejustification: "USAID is actively engaged budget including faith-based organizations" (USAID ments with non-traditional partners, after this policy opening in Washington, 2006a). According to a USAID official, World Vision International missionary organization called an evangelical from USAID's AIDS-prevention program (see applied for and received funding of World Vision). In one Bornstein's [20031 study for a history and analysis three were public, where Sove Lavi worked with thirty schools, only and province were Protestant, and two others were Catholic. The remaining twenty-five the majority were from their names (e.g., Maranatha, Eben-Ezer), judging in the context of Haiti's religious field,which Pentecostal." This is significant (Hefferan 2007; Rey 1999).12 Catholic, at least nominally was still predominantly have direct links to U.S.-based missionary Most Protestant churches in Haiti eschew direct proselytizing organizations, whereas most Catholic groups began with a prayer, a 2007:150). Many Sove Lavi trainings Lobserved (Hefferan mobilization. Since the January 12 earthquake, symbol of this effective religious are much more empowand their Haitian partners these mission organizations killed forty-five traditional Vodou ered and on the offensive. Protestant groups "Devil worship" caused the 2010, on the pretext that this leaders in December cholera outbreak (Delva 2010). Competition: The Global Fund Haiti, and agencies in Washington, Some people who work at development Fund. It is multilateral, a Europe also see PEPFAR as a response to the Global $IO billion annual partnership that within three years amassed a public-private annual report. According to staff in Washington budget, according to its 2005 jealousy of the the Bush administration's and Geneva, other reasons explained " caused the 2010, on the pretext that this leaders in December cholera outbreak (Delva 2010). Competition: The Global Fund Haiti, and agencies in Washington, Some people who work at development Fund. It is multilateral, a Europe also see PEPFAR as a response to the Global $IO billion annual partnership that within three years amassed a public-private annual report. According to staff in Washington budget, according to its 2005 jealousy of the the Bush administration's and Geneva, other reasons explained --- Page 170 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS support from the Bill and Melinda Gates Global Fund. It received substantial was seen as a Clinton million in its first two years-and Clinton's Foundation-$150 support began with and institutional endeavor. The conversations Fund counts the Clinton Global and leadership, and the Global Fund support in-kind donors. Additionally, the Global proInitiative as one of its major that people engage in "harm reduction" strategies that acknowledge motes contracting HIV/AIDS. The goal is to behaviors that cause them to be at risk for a "social engialternatives rather than, according to staff, promote provide safer and expect that youth will stop havneering" model whereby they *finger-wag" simply because drug users will suddenly quit, ing sex, or that intravenous abstinence-only message elder told them to. The finger-wagging, a community staff member who was, incidentally, "is a death sentence, > said a Global Fund the two agencies, the Highlighting the differences between HIV positive. contains a photograph of an urban, Eastern Global Fund's 2004 annual report placed on page 6, across from European needle-exchange program prominently the introduction. strucdifferences, the organization's decision-making In addition to policy for the Global Fund are made through ture is quite different. Funding decisions constituting national government Country Coordinating Mechanisms (CCMS), According to staff, "People can agencies, NGOS, and international organizations. the CCM system. No critical of the CCMS. But it is imperative that we keep be NGOS a seat at the table. Only in the Global Fund other funding structure offers with the third round of funding, in do we have that kind of input.' >13 Beginning CCMs include organizations the Global Fund made requirements that the but 2004, with HIV/AIDS and fund more ARV treatment, that represent people living Global Fund operates with few other according to their materials and staff, the instead of setting about CCM composition or funding stream. Finally, directives "missions"), the Global Fund contracts with up country offices (akin to USAID which in the logic of the funding agencies, like Fondation Sogebank, national desirable because it is both "indigenous" (headquartered Global Fund is more in Haiti) and in "the private sector." Fund and PEPFAR have policy differences aside, the Global These specific Global Fund state that there is a similarities. Staff at both USAID and the Tobias many AIDS coordinator, Randall relationship. In his role as global good working chaired by U.S. Secretary of Health and Human was on the Global Fund's board, form of results-based management. Tommy Thompson. 14 Both promote a Services service delivery, away from Both streamline assistance toward HIV/AIDS-specific According to Global Fund health care sector infrastructure. policy or general basic health care infrastructure or reinforcing staff, funding other programs like of their results orientation. economic capacity takes the "bang" out women's from both new titans of HIV-prevention work These shared approaches has increased NGOS in many ways. This "scale-up" exponentially impact recipient U.S. Secretary of Health and Human was on the Global Fund's board, form of results-based management. Tommy Thompson. 14 Both promote a Services service delivery, away from Both streamline assistance toward HIV/AIDS-specific According to Global Fund health care sector infrastructure. policy or general basic health care infrastructure or reinforcing staff, funding other programs like of their results orientation. economic capacity takes the "bang" out women's from both new titans of HIV-prevention work These shared approaches has increased NGOS in many ways. This "scale-up" exponentially impact recipient --- Page 171 --- SHIFTS AND THE POLITICAL TSUNAMI TECTONIC the disease. And the combined efforts of "local" institutional capacity to combat and NGOS for HIV institutions investing resources in governments down from many HIV transmission rates in Haiti, prevention do appear to be slowing donor policies are over a decade (Cohen 2006). But specific 6.2 to 3.I percent Local participation and existing hierarchies and imbalances. also increasing Mme Versailles brought up CAC members' autonomy are being eroded. When fund, she was told to apply to and suggestions for a small projects concerns Since Sove Lavi was not a bank and the program USAID's micro-credit program. "profitable" and "solvent"), her was not rentable (in English, something between the cracks. As mentioned and CAC suggestions fell through request was denied, Versailles is no stranger to the world of donors, in the previous chapter, Mme Unfortunately for CAC members and generally successful at securing resources. USAID's decision to not communities, Sove Lavi did not communicate and their Sove Lavi also missed an opportunity for support a small project fund to them. for member disadvocacy and lobby efforts by marginalizing space and community discussed in chapter 2. As both Mme Versailles cussion at the symposium within development aid is not new. Mme Dominique recall, this segmentation have been attempts to break themes" such as WID or OTI USAID's "cross-cutting cross-sectoral dialogue and coordination. down these barriers and encourage between management is forcing even more rigid separation But results-based in the process. lines, weakening member participation programmatic Institutional Shifts again topped the U.S. foreign agenda, waged Since September II, 2001, security created a new cabinet-level position as a "war on terror. " President Bush quickly and institutional shift has Homeland Security. This discursive and department, In his 2002 National Security significant consequences for foreign development. of the three key pillars, President Bush named "development" as one Strategy, Some senior USAID staff welcomed this rhetorical joining defense and diplomacy. the end of the special interest" conbecause they hoped it would signal move support. 1 While there has not been trol and the regaining of a general "popular increase in USAID's budget, research, this staff person pointed to an follow-up like Iraq reconstrucwell as fewer earmarks. Not counting "supplementals" as increase, from $7 billion in FY 2001 to $9 biltion,51 USAID's budget saw a steady coupled with a decrease in lion in FY: 2006 (see table 5.I). This budget increase control of both mandates may also be a result of Republican but for congressional branch until the 2006 election, houses of Congress and the executive of "heat" on the agency, "allowing several USAID staff this is a sign of a decrease arguing that the of development." " Others are more skeptical, us to do our job national interest cannot be easily reversed: politicization and privatization of the hard to close them again." "Once the flood gates have been opened, it's 2006 (see table 5.I). This budget increase control of both mandates may also be a result of Republican but for congressional branch until the 2006 election, houses of Congress and the executive of "heat" on the agency, "allowing several USAID staff this is a sign of a decrease arguing that the of development." " Others are more skeptical, us to do our job national interest cannot be easily reversed: politicization and privatization of the hard to close them again." "Once the flood gates have been opened, it's --- Page 172 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS TABLE 5.1 USAID Allocation in Millions of Dollars, 2001-2007 Year Allocation $7,050 $7,517 $8,638 $8,837a $8,971 $9,068 $9,3005 Source: Congressional budget justifications for fiscal years 2004 and 2007. aFigure does not include "supplementals, such as Iraq reconstruction. PBudget request. Since the reorganization, the line item for USAID has been changed, and it is no longer possible for citizens to track USAID funding specifically. Two significant discursive shifts accompanied the 2002 National Security Strategy that arguably bolstered support for USAID. The first concept is "transformational" development and diplomacy, and the second is a renewed focus on "failed states. " New institutions accompanied both discursive shifts. At its most basic level, transformational development arose from development agencies' concern and self-critique of development-generated dependency, 16 including the "sustainable" development in vogue under Clinton. Said a former USAID mission director, "We failed to develop countries, but we did a lot. We provided good careers to people here in the United States with great travel opportunities. It was like feeding the horse to feed the fly." A particular recommendation was that aid be developed in such a way as to "graduate" countries from aid dependency. This staff person lamented that after sixty years of development, the development system was able to "graduate" only four countries: Thailand, Costa Rica, South Korea, and Taiwan."7 According to this person, who worked for the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) at the time of the interview, lessons about development success and failure have been taken up by this new U.S. development agency. The MCC was set up in 2003 by Bush as the U.S. response the fly." A particular recommendation was that aid be developed in such a way as to "graduate" countries from aid dependency. This staff person lamented that after sixty years of development, the development system was able to "graduate" only four countries: Thailand, Costa Rica, South Korea, and Taiwan."7 According to this person, who worked for the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) at the time of the interview, lessons about development success and failure have been taken up by this new U.S. development agency. The MCC was set up in 2003 by Bush as the U.S. response --- Page 173 --- SHIFTS AND THE POLITICAL TSUNAMI TECTONIC approved by the UN General the Millennium Development Goals, unanimously to works with low-income or "IDA-eligible" Assembly in 2000. The MCC explicitly World Bank)8 that score above countries (referring to the division within the and criteria: human development, good governance, average in three general is that countries of the sixteen specificindicators institutions. The most important Transparency International's above median in corruption, measured by score assistance is explicitly focused on buildCorruption Perception Index.'9 MCC's of Central America (e.g., development. In the context ing private-sector the development of foreign tourism Honduras and Guatemala), this signifies lessons acknowledged by selfindustries. Other general and export-processing countries (governments as critiques in the late 1990S, 20 including that Southern did not affect need to "own" the process of development, well as "civil society") the additional benefit of decisions (Farmer 2011A). The MCC enjoyed funding of the transnational business class. being in line with the interests attention on "weak states" as Strategy refocused The National Security 2005b:v). This focus on fragile vectors of the "dark side of globalization" (USAID discourse, not unlike Truman's a significant shift in development states portends and "underdeveloped" or "developing" organizing the world into "developed" codified by a 2004 USAID 1995). The National Security Strategy, nations (Escobar into "stable states" and "fragile states" (USAID white paper, now divides the world of U.S. foreign assistance Weak states have become the new target 2004b:13).1 the most permissive environments in the war on terror, because they "provide of mass destruction, the least resistance for threats" of terrorism, weapons and (USAID 2005b:7). Secretary of State Rice and international criminal networks security is linked to the capacthat "in today's world, America's (2006) argued and effectively.' 91 By way of definition, USAID ity of foreign states to govern justly "include those on a downward spiral (2005b:13) declares that fragile states from conflict and crisis, and toward crisis and chaos, some that are recovering there are thirtyfailed states. > According to USAID, others that are essentially states are poor, not all poor states are states. While all fragile four such fragile for MCC assistance. The rest and these non-fragile states are eligible fragile, such as OTI or other post-conflict funding. become targets for other funding, accounted for in the $3 billion to Iraq that was separately Not even considering justification, post-conflict states constiUSAID's FY 2006 congressional budget budget of the World of USAID's budget (2005a). The post-conflict tute a quarter under 8 percent in 1980, to 16 percent in 1998, Bank (1998:13) went up from just interviews with staff. Since there almost a third in 2005 by the time of my to increase in post-conflict budgets suggests their wasn't a rise in conflicts, the benefit to the IFIS and donor agencies. strategic importance, or some additional agencies and coordinate the multiple government In order to manage Bush created the coorcountry such as Haiti or Iraq, involved in a post-conflict (S/CRS) at the Department of State dinator for reconstruction and stabilization 1998, Bank (1998:13) went up from just interviews with staff. Since there almost a third in 2005 by the time of my to increase in post-conflict budgets suggests their wasn't a rise in conflicts, the benefit to the IFIS and donor agencies. strategic importance, or some additional agencies and coordinate the multiple government In order to manage Bush created the coorcountry such as Haiti or Iraq, involved in a post-conflict (S/CRS) at the Department of State dinator for reconstruction and stabilization --- Page 174 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS control and coordinates all activities, on August 5, 2004. This office assumes to this idea was diplomatic corps, and USAID. Reception including the military, "It's basically sayof USAID. Said one representative, lukewarm in some quarters listen to itself. If we had, we wouldn't have ing that the U.S. government didn't went to Iraq. " However positive, this to Iraq. But of course we know why we effect gone "The practical institutional layer added bureaucratic responsibilities: new people away from what they're of all this 'coordination' is that they are taking time that we have. > The S/CRS works very closely doing. There is only SO much the OTI budget request increased sixwith OTI, especiallyin Haiti. Interestingly, million in FY 2006 from $48.6 million in FY 2005 to $325 fold in one year, incremental growth over the past (USAID 2005a).22 This far outpaced USAID's Countries that have an Of this, $30 million was allocated to Haiti. seven years. Assistance" funding, which is OTI program are not eligible for "Development earmarked for states with good governance. of the three new agencies the institutional "shock and awe" creation With coordinator, the MCC, and the S/CRS, mentioned in this chapter, the global AIDS U.S. Secretary of and radical policy shifts and OTI's growth, not to mention quick the entire system of development assistance. State Condoleezza Rice reorganized of director of foreign assistance, On January 19, 2006, Rice created the post Rice named Randall simultaneously appointed as the USAID administrator. director of foreign administrator of PEPFAR, to this new position. The Tobias, the secretary of state. According to Rice (2006), assistance works directly under leadership structure. It will "This reform will create a more unified and rational of assistance. And it from both the donors and recipients enhance accountability greater ownership and responsiwill focus our foreign assistance on promoting > Any institutional autonomy the of host nations and their citizens. bility on part "sustainable development" (Clinton's that USAID had to insulate or flexibility development") from the political buzzword, now replaced with "transformational difficult; USAID has become described above was rendered much more line process with not even a separate directly linked with the State Department, more America (2008) has argued that this is the item that citizens can identify. Oxfam vision and 7 which requires a long-term wrong direction for "smart development, sake. The case of Haiti highlights the reduction for its own a focus on poverty aid is tied to political processes such as the problems when foreign development interests in foreign policy. As conflict and the formulation of national effects of two-party one another, the ripple the different interest groups rub up against country such as Haiti. these tectonic shifts are magnified in an aid-dependent Effects in Haiti abroad; its primary function has USAID's mandate is to promote U.S. interests W. Bush years communism, and in the George been U.S. security, first against the reduction for its own a focus on poverty aid is tied to political processes such as the problems when foreign development interests in foreign policy. As conflict and the formulation of national effects of two-party one another, the ripple the different interest groups rub up against country such as Haiti. these tectonic shifts are magnified in an aid-dependent Effects in Haiti abroad; its primary function has USAID's mandate is to promote U.S. interests W. Bush years communism, and in the George been U.S. security, first against --- Page 175 --- SHIFTS AND THE POLITICAL TSUNAMI TECTONIC interest why Iraq terrorism and "weak states. " This geopolitical explains the U.S. against funding for the first two years following received $6 billion in USAID "Strategic states" also include Armed Forces' capture of Baghdad in June 2003countries despite its among the top three USAID recipient Israel, consistently than even the United States. Haiti highdevelopment indicators higher Wild many unclear and inconsistent political mandate. lights the difficulties of an have their roots in the U.S. political vacillations in policies and funding in Haiti in a bid parties collide into one another system, as interest groups and political dominance. The effect on Haiti is disastrous. for the United States and the imperialist "Monroe Given Haiti's proximity to its interest there in terms explains Doctrine,' > the U.S. government consistently washing up on Florida with the threat of a deluge of "boat people" of stability, in the 1980s preceded the United States shores (USAID 2003). A first wave and replacing him with dictator, Jean-Claude Duvalier, removing an unpopular Endowment for Democracy (NED), junta. Through the National million a military the U.S. government poured $12 founded in 1982 by President Reagan, former World Bank official elections, backing the candidacy of the into the 1990 Justifying the use of public money on Marc Bazin (Clement 1997:21; Griffin 1992). that elections can be good campaigns, the World Bank argued foreign political when they have the right outcomes: "Given for imposing changes, but only liberalization policies, only short term costs entailed by economic the heavy have the legitimacy to carry them out" democratically elected governments liberation theology The landslide election of a populist (Dethier et al. 1999:23). the extreme racial and economic priest seemed to threaten to dismantle between export-processing zones, employing inequality buttressing low-wage workers at its peak in the 1980s (Ferguson seventy and eighty thousand Haitian after eight months of whirlHachette 1981:23). On September 30, 1991, to 1987:83; international elite groups united with U.S. backing wind reforms, local and wave of migration to Aristide from power, again triggering a massive remove Caribbean countries. Florida and neighboring leaky economic sanctions on the George H. W. Bush imposed infamously Paul II. In addirecognized by Pope Jean which was formally coup government, situation for Haiti's people (Gibbons 1999; tion to worsening the economic the informal market to which the sanctions served to strengthen Griffin 1992), Haiti in the international drug trade only the wealthy had access, implicating with a massive influx of Klarreich 2005). The crisis spiraled (Deibert 2005; spurring a passionate debate migrants to the United States and other countries, debate found its solution. This racialized "boat people" about the appropriate during which Clinton promised to election, way into the 1992 presidential lost budget vote during his democratic order to Haiti.23 After a nearly restore needed to thank loyal Democratic members of first year of office, Clinton Black Caucus, Clinton stepped Congress. In order to appease the Congressional implicating with a massive influx of Klarreich 2005). The crisis spiraled (Deibert 2005; spurring a passionate debate migrants to the United States and other countries, debate found its solution. This racialized "boat people" about the appropriate during which Clinton promised to election, way into the 1992 presidential lost budget vote during his democratic order to Haiti.23 After a nearly restore needed to thank loyal Democratic members of first year of office, Clinton Black Caucus, Clinton stepped Congress. In order to appease the Congressional --- Page 176 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS brokering the Governor's Island Accord up the pressure to return Aristide, force. 24 under UN auspices and sending an invasion under which Aristide In addition to promoting a power-sharing agreement into his leaders, such as Bazin, government, was forced to include opposition Club agreement of Haiti's creditors the Governor's Island Accord and Paris (Clement 1997; reconstruction, including privatization called for economic organization, (and a new paramilitary Doyle 1994). With the coup government Aristide signed, legitmurdering tens of thousands of his supporters, FRAPH) after a handful of paramilitary FRAPH imizing structural adjustment. A year 15, 1994, with a Aristide was returned on October forces quelled a U.S. invasion, thousand U.S. Marines. UN force, including twenty thirty thousand-strong took control of Congress under the banner Within the month, Republicans former high-ranking "Contract with America.' * According to a of Newt Gingrich's ideologically opposed to multilaterofficial, in this era were USAID Republicans including the senior Senate Foreign alism and nation-building, A small minority, his aide Roger Noriega,5 Committee member Jesse Helms, and especiallyl Relations Under the Bush presidencies, Haiti to Aristide. were also personally opposed such as Noriega, ' delegated to subordinates policy was one of "estrangement, officials to address Haiti, what whereas Clinton sent high-level administration " But generally, Robert Maguire (2003) called "engagement. to the policy specialist official, the Republicans wanted according to a former State Department Clinton's inexperience in the White House and were looking to expose their regain plane ride from Miami, was prime foreign policy-and Haiti, a ninety-minute regained control of the Republican Congress target.as Almost immediately, structural changes under the USAID from the Clinton administration, imposing funding the Haitian Amendment. USAID was barred from directly 1996 Helms funded U.S. NGOS, using globalization-era legitigovernment; instead, USAID are "closer to the people," such as the ideology that NGOS mation strategies than nation-states. The legislation democratic, and less prone to corruption more development priorities in Haiti. also secured U.S. control over directives in Haiti, officially between opposing policy USAID was caught order while rendering democracy irrelesupporting the return of democratic NGOS. But at least until setting Haiti's development agenda through vant by remained high. Bush shifted the direc2001, overall levels of USAID assistance control over USAID, according to tion of USAID in Haiti, and Congress eased its in Congress put some USAID/Haiti staff in January 2004: "The Republicans a but that was under Clinton. They have now restrictions on USAID money, clear that they trust Bush wouldn't give removed the restrictions [and] made it with NGOS, as a chief of party money to this government." P Instead, USAIDworked evolution is that we used outlined, also in January 2004: "The most significant with NGOS. In 1999, Now we don't. Now we work to work with the government. decree, that was the beginning of Préval dissolved Parliament and ruled by after 2004: "The Republicans a but that was under Clinton. They have now restrictions on USAID money, clear that they trust Bush wouldn't give removed the restrictions [and] made it with NGOS, as a chief of party money to this government." P Instead, USAIDworked evolution is that we used outlined, also in January 2004: "The most significant with NGOS. In 1999, Now we don't. Now we work to work with the government. decree, that was the beginning of Préval dissolved Parliament and ruled by after --- Page 177 --- SHIFTS AND THE POLITICAL TSUNAMI TECTONIC just have to come in to implement their own the shift in tides. Donor groups elections, the results of which agenda." " Following the May 2000 parliamentary and multilateral donors contested by Aristide's opposition, all bilateral were channeling their assistance directly through boycotted the Haitian government, what the Aristide government NGOS. A USAID Potoprens official critiqued only means that it's not which really "disingenuously referred to as an embargo, to Haiti." Multilateral when they know damn well that it's going going to them, Bank and IDB-that according to their lending institutions-such as the World loans until the elecgovernments, could not release approved in charters support United States used its permanent veto power toral "crisis" was resolved. The block IDB loans to Haiti and its pluralityin of American States to the Organization a total of $535 million (Farmer 2003).7 the World Bank to follow suit, withholding that the international comin chapter I, there is good evidence As argued supported Aristide's 2004 including the U.S. government, actively munity, while funding his opposition. They removal. They cut funds to the government to continue Aristide negotiate while encouraging the opposition demanded funds when they could have. In December pressing for his removal, not cutting Guantanamo Bay for a the U.S. military had begun preparing 2003, or earlier, 2004). At each impasse on the "politimassive influx of Haitian refugees (Elsner student-led movement broke every time the "popular" cal" stage-including supposedly independfrom the bourgeois Group of 184's leadership-the FRAPH leaders, away including CIA-trained military and ent "thugs and murderers," interview granted in late May 2007, Guy ratcheted up their activities. In an admiration for in her October 2005 Philippe-whom an OTI Istaff had expressed the time that the "politithat despite words to the contrary at interview-said and the "rebels, > he was in daily concal" opposition was distinct from Philippe United States (Jacklin 2007). They leaders and the tact with political opposition the U.S. had just given to U.S.-made M16s that government used hard-to-obtain, the free trade zone (Darion Garcia 2003; San the Dominican Army to police situations could be coincidental, Martin 2002). Even granting that each of these there is a one in one one to one odds, when all added up together and granting coincidental (210 1,024). What explains thousand chance that all of these are is the issue of extralegal in Haiti? First the U.S. interest in "regime change" in both the 2000 and 2004 presmigration, a sensitive issue in Florida, pivotal the threat of migration contests. According to Washington agency staff, idential in Haiti. In addition to this issue, people to Florida drives development policy analysis. spectrum in Haiti shared a different from across the political Disaster Capitalism I, "If it wasn't in the UN's interests, they would Recall Yvette's quote in chapter that already." > At first blush, this passage, suggesting have brought about peace the U.S. interest in "regime change" in both the 2000 and 2004 presmigration, a sensitive issue in Florida, pivotal the threat of migration contests. According to Washington agency staff, idential in Haiti. In addition to this issue, people to Florida drives development policy analysis. spectrum in Haiti shared a different from across the political Disaster Capitalism I, "If it wasn't in the UN's interests, they would Recall Yvette's quote in chapter that already." > At first blush, this passage, suggesting have brought about peace --- Page 178 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS in the violence, might seem to community had interests the international "Haitian mentality" (Gold 1991; Heinl and reflect paranoia, what some call the seem to reflect at the very Heinl 1996). If not paranoia, then the passage might spin.a8 But Yvette's is a common perception least propaganda or ideological critic of Aristide. Yvette people in Haiti-and she was an outspoken The among where did they find their weapons? police say continued, "Those bandits, has an arms embargo. But the don't have munitions, the country that they Where do they find them? In Haiti do they bandits, they find ammunition. questions, both difficult and produce them?" In this section I ask many What interests How did the arms get in the hands of bandits79 coined compelling: have in the violence? Naomi Klein might the international community how private corporations of "disaster capitalism" to describe the the concept situations. In an edited volume, I elaborated on attempt to profit off disaster institutions' instrumental "National and transnational governmental term: 'natural' and human-mediated disasters, use of catastrophe (both so-called and empower a range of private, situations) to promote including post-conflict neoliberal capitalist interests" (2008:20). advances, Aristide's Regardless of his actions, including neoliberal policy with the opporinternational financial institutions forced departure provided and economic agenda for Haiti tunity to convene and coordinate their political Intérimaire (CCI), adopted at called the Cadre de Coopération through a process (Interim Government of Haiti donors' meeting in Washington a July 2004 that "donors just have to come in and 2004). A USAID/Haiti official explained candidly argued that their agendas. > The World Bank (1998:24-25) implement often found in post-conflict settings "the weakened capacity of government role. > According to twentymagnifies the need for an external aid coordination in Potoprens, of the donor representatives I interviewed three of twenty-four success, a groundbreaking Brussels, and Washington, the CCI is an unparalleled situation. In addition to for a post-conflict new era in cooperation, especially to a billion dollars over a the coordinated plan and donor pledges-amounting also called for a collaborative, originally specified as two years-the CCI Different period with the interim government. donor-led process of implementation and expertise. For example, the donors led work groups based on their interests USAID with with economic governance, World Bank led the team charged staff in Washington and the EU with education. All the donor agency reform and HIV/AIDS, for its serious commitment to praised the interim government despite such sagging indicators as development (reaction was mixed in Europe), Perception Index. International's Corruption GDP growth and Transparency different: it has been severely criticized by Seen from below, the CCI looks seven by foreign powers to take over. Interestingly, Haitian NGOS as an attempt the process as reprealso denounced groups that were listed as participants organizations to loss of sovereignty, as an attempt by the international senting a with education. All the donor agency reform and HIV/AIDS, for its serious commitment to praised the interim government despite such sagging indicators as development (reaction was mixed in Europe), Perception Index. International's Corruption GDP growth and Transparency different: it has been severely criticized by Seen from below, the CCI looks seven by foreign powers to take over. Interestingly, Haitian NGOS as an attempt the process as reprealso denounced groups that were listed as participants organizations to loss of sovereignty, as an attempt by the international senting a --- Page 179 --- SHIFTS AND THE POLITICAL TSUNAMI TECTONIC At least one of the organizations listed as "participating" obtain greater control. invitation letter for a meeting that staff in the CCI process was sent only a single organizations pointed out that did not attend. An ad hoc coalition of forty-four concretely reflects rushed and coercive: "The CCI's approach the process was by foreign military forces" (SOFA the reality of the occupation of our territory the distinction between Especially following the earthquake, et al. 2004:3). is blurred, as the aid distribution on the development and military agencies subsequently cridemonstrates. These groups considered "partners" cover without meaningful dialogue and tiqued the process for running roughshod, not enough time for discusin place for debate, participation, no mechanisms of Haiti's population, in Kreyôl, the only language of 90 percent sion, nothing following the CCI's passage, a and a lack of real dissemination plan. Two years to lack transparency coalition decried the process for continuing civil society and CoEH 2006). As a result, the process rubberand true participation (CoHE of the international community, stamped and gave legitimacy to the interests the vast majority of which spent almost $2 million employing 250 experts, that The plan itself is a vast assemblage of propositions whom were foreign. community, few of them by the international have been long promulgated "Haiti isn't Afghanistan, coalition argued, specific to Haiti. The aforementioned the to wear' solutions and Liberia, and still less Iraq. One has to avoid 'ready nor national contexts have led to relentless procedures that elsewhere in certain failures" (SOFA et al. 2004:3). times in the CCI as paving the way to Privatization was mentioned several 24, 28). This echoes (Interim Government of Haiti 2004:19, 23, held development At a Caribbean conference Latortue's public promotions of privatization. held in Haiti the fol8, 2004, and again at a conference in Miami on December needs to get over this notion that privatilowing week, Latortue said that Haiti the Haitian sin," and vowed to do better to privatize zation is a "mortal telecommunications and government's industries, such as electricity, power, generated more state-owned enterprises in service provision water.30 In 2000, million Monetary million goud in revenue, or $476 (International than eight are among the only productive Publicly owned enterprises Fund 2002:42-47). countries like Haiti, the only surplus value to resources remaining in Southern environmental destruction and already devastated by extract from a country the earthquake, the telephone comcenturies of underdevelopment. Following pany was finally privatized. Haitian NGOS have In addition to process and privatization, progressive according to criticisms of the CCI. While there were some positive aspects other toward women's equality and decentralization, these groups, such as gestures plan heated criticism. The "economic governance" two main pillars triggered Bank and IMF control over the country's finances simplyl legitimated det facto World financial accounting While some of the specifics, like tighter and planning. extract from a country the earthquake, the telephone comcenturies of underdevelopment. Following pany was finally privatized. Haitian NGOS have In addition to process and privatization, progressive according to criticisms of the CCI. While there were some positive aspects other toward women's equality and decentralization, these groups, such as gestures plan heated criticism. The "economic governance" two main pillars triggered Bank and IMF control over the country's finances simplyl legitimated det facto World financial accounting While some of the specifics, like tighter and planning. --- Page 180 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS in the long run, the overall plan keeps more power measures, may prove helpful to set priorities through control of in the hands of international organizations selling the country wholefinances.31 According to Yvette, "They are just state leaders > Edele argued, "You will sale to the blan [foreigners) : and our accept.' the IMF's and that comes to power, they support find with every government plan more and more." World Bank's structural adjustment in structural adjustment measThe CCI also promises Haiti's cooperation a plan for the clearance "The Government is also committed to developing ures: debt service" (23). Haiti's external debt of external arrears and ensuring regular transition period, with rising debt estimated at $1.5 billion at the end of the was million for FY 2005, and $58.3 million for FY 2009 service projections: $56.3 While this figure seems small (International Monetary Fund 2005b:27-28). Haiti to continue countries in sub-Saharan Africa, forcing compared to some of needed services. In 2003 Haiti's repaying the debt deprived Haiti's people the entire scheduled grants scheduled debt service was $57.4 million, whereas combined were health care, environment, and transportation for education, Fund 2005a:88; World Bank 2002b:vii). $39.21 million (International Monetary children have no access to school, and A result is that five hundred thousand Government of Haiti 2004:33). finish primary school (Interim only 35 percent include such direct, forced reductions in social Structural adjustment measures that Haiti reduce its social spendspending. In 2000/2001, the IMF demanded 2002). In addition to direct ing from 3 percent of the GDP to 2 percent (Duhaime user fees for services financial institutions have demanded cuts, international noted in chapter I, education is one of the and health care. As such as education and tuition even for a expenses for a family. The cost of registration goud a primary is at least five or six thousand low-rung, lekol bolèt school in pôtoprens followsalary working minimum wage. (Incidentally, year, about four months' Haiti's debt was partially canceled in ing a long and collaborative mobilization, with more canceled since the earthquake.) 2009, the CCI is a traditional part of the "ready-to-wear" A third plan within model for agriculture and food secuneoliberal program. Globalization was the farmers, and importafew Haitian crops for exports, benefiting rity: high-value rice, draining Haitian peasants' productive tion of subsidized or monetized U.S. "food security" policy has capacity to feed themselves (Richardson 1997). the market with free or national production in two ways: by flooding and destroyed underselling the Haitian peasantry; subsidized U.S. agricultural products, receipt of food aid, removing trade liberalization measures tied to the by the of rice, Haiti now produces only 18 percent protective tariffs. Once an exporter worth per year (MOREPLA and of the rice it consumes, importing $200 million authorized a U.S. company, In addition, the interim government PAPDA 2004). and increase rice imports, further weakening T&S Rice, to operate in Haiti campaign, this move will According to a national Haiti's national production. elling the Haitian peasantry; subsidized U.S. agricultural products, receipt of food aid, removing trade liberalization measures tied to the by the of rice, Haiti now produces only 18 percent protective tariffs. Once an exporter worth per year (MOREPLA and of the rice it consumes, importing $200 million authorized a U.S. company, In addition, the interim government PAPDA 2004). and increase rice imports, further weakening T&S Rice, to operate in Haiti campaign, this move will According to a national Haiti's national production. --- Page 181 --- SHIFTS AND THE POLITICAL TSUNAMI TECTONIC and providing legitimation for thousand jobs. Continuing cost twenty-eight goal in the CCI was to furneoliberal policies for food security, an explicit these markets such as the Free Trade Area of the ther integrate Haiti into regional The plan for agriculturei in the Government of Haiti 2004:25). Americas (Interim in the U.S. market, a long-standing specialtyitems for consumption CCI promoted instead of for national production and conUSAID platform (e.g., USAID 1997), development policy did not begin sumption. This export orientation in formal Encounter" with USAID, but at the beginning of the "Development in the 1980s Haiti in 1948 outlined coffee export as a (Escobar 1995). The first UN mission to 1949). As the ad hoc motor of Haiti's development (United Nations out, benefitprimary the best produce gets shipped group of progressive NGOS argued, and benefiting a small group ing the United States with cheaper exotic produce, of agriculture well-off Haitian farmers. Over time, this globalization of relatively the frustration of many national production. Edele expressed has destroyed destroyed that. We used to have facothers: "We used to have Creole pigs-they that. We had factories tories that used to make tomato paste-they destroyed used to have factories to destroyed that. Well, we that processed milk-they ask a question, Mark. If they are destroyed that. Let me you refine sugar-they don't they support our national protruly helping us, ifit's aid they give us, why toward production?" can assure that the money goes duction insteed, SO they flow out of the country and a Monetization further accelerates both capital agricultural between rich and poor within Haiti. Neoliberal growing imbalance factor in the massive urbanization in the measures were a primary "push" of the lumpenin Marxist terms a "reserve army" unemployed, 1980s, creating industrial jobs as beneficial to this desperate proletariat, justifying low-wage 1988; Trouillot 1994b). The vulnerable population (DeWind and Kinley and touches on this form of exploitation, interim period provided the finishing 2008 "riots," Haiti's food crisis, which led to the April as chapter I details-and is a direct result. Intermediaries of this political tug-of-war. The situation of disaster capitalism is an expression caused by the political visible manifestation of the damage It is a highly of interest groups behind intertsunami, the ripple effects of the competition tectonic shifts-are development. But the geopolitical forces-the national the tectonic shifts do not in other, less visible contexts. By themselves the operating as the rumblings travel through cause the disaster; they are magnified crashing as waves. As momentum and eventually water, like swells gaining there are many intermenoted above, in the case of public aid to development, countries-and the of Northern diaries between the ultimate donors-taxpayers communities. Taking the of this aid-residents of Southern ultimate recipients the competition tectonic shifts-are development. But the geopolitical forces-the national the tectonic shifts do not in other, less visible contexts. By themselves the operating as the rumblings travel through cause the disaster; they are magnified crashing as waves. As momentum and eventually water, like swells gaining there are many intermenoted above, in the case of public aid to development, countries-and the of Northern diaries between the ultimate donors-taxpayers communities. Taking the of this aid-residents of Southern ultimate recipients --- Page 182 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS taxes and plays an oversight role. example of USAID, Congress appropriates oversees the stratethe funds have been approved, the State Department Once (since January 2006, in a concurrent post gicl lines, and the USAID administrator of state) oversees assistance, reporting to the secretary as the director of foreign bureaus, each of which the work of the issue-focused pillars and geographic plan and an missions. The missions craft a long-term supervises in-country contractors, almost invariannual R4, outlining the priorities and identifying subcontracting NGOS. These NGOS manage the contracts, ably international Often these NGOS in turn support and with international and Southern NGOS. supervise the work of local associations. in because USAID Targued above that USAID's defensive posture arose part the rest of This system of intermediaries provides lacks a public constituency. felt directly accountable to U.S. the explanation. If the USAID administration have heard the message members of Congress, it might taxpayers and not jittery international aid, and even at higher levsupport that citizens overwhelmingly interested in the humanitarian rather els than spent at present, and are more institution with accountability to justifications. As an than the foreign policy USAID can be the site for inter-branch both Congress and the State Department, of "divided conflict, especially in a situation tension and sometimes open each branch was controlled by whereby government" such as in 2007-2009, of how this USAID's work in Haiti was a good example opposing political parties. was done. With Obama's election political tug-of-war affects how development the House in the 2010 this constraint was lifted. Since Republicans regained and White House, USAID with Democrats still in control of the Senate a elections, with to be another arena for the political contest-certainly is likely going candidates who favor lower taxes and diplolarge minority of vocal Tea Party matic isolationism. international NGOS, USAID mission and Institutional levels-local and and As mencontact between donors recipients. Washington staff-mediate Global Fund's new (to Fanm Têt Ansanm) tioned in the previous chapter, the Noted above, USAID policy forma- "primary recipient" wanted to mark territory. lines of commu- ("best practices") presuppose open tion and implementation this ideal situation, policy is made by nication within the "food chain.' In communiconsultation with local aid recipients, accurate, complete, and open staff. Also ideally, subordicated through reports up to Washington planning unbiased, and participatory these directives in a complete, nates implement manner without applying personal interests. lines are not open, contexts, the communication Even in non-charged international agencies, an important giving staff in Pôtoprens, both NGOS and Hefferan 2007:86; Salemink "translator" role (Bending and Rosendo 2006; the mission reports staff in Washington and Brussels rely on that 2006). Development community. One person in Europe said to find out about the needs of the ordicated through reports up to Washington planning unbiased, and participatory these directives in a complete, nates implement manner without applying personal interests. lines are not open, contexts, the communication Even in non-charged international agencies, an important giving staff in Pôtoprens, both NGOS and Hefferan 2007:86; Salemink "translator" role (Bending and Rosendo 2006; the mission reports staff in Washington and Brussels rely on that 2006). Development community. One person in Europe said to find out about the needs of the --- Page 183 --- SHIFTS AND THE POLITICAL TSUNAMI TECTONIC on in Haiti "the same as you through the they hear about what's going the Nuevo Herald Or the Economist media." Another in Washington relied on the fact that she Unit. A USAID policy analyst I met with deplored been three Intelligence often as she would have liked (it had did not get "out to the field" as A relatively new employee of a years at the time of the October 2005 interview). she has been "to the field" institution lamented the fact that while she multilateral wasn't "seeing the real Haiti" because was several times, she knew she she regularly interacted hotel. The only Haitian people confined to a Petyonvil others: "If it weren't for my driver with worked for her international agency or Iwouldn't even hear Haitian music.' > mediating role. Said a U.S. local development staff play a central As shown, consultant who helps the flow of agency employee, "We have an in-country and sometimes It's often very difficult. We receive proposals, of communication. Sometimes they just drop off the face we have questions about the proposals. change their phone numThere's no electricity, no phones, or they that the earth. staff at USAID headquarters argued bers. > Being "stuck in Washington," missions have annual reporting, mission staff have more power. Said one, Most their own, but the most are aware of what the grantees are doing, on where they Washington] can do is recommend nonrethat we here at headquarters [in direct: "I decided the priormission director was more newal." > A former USAID staff feel that the mandates "coming ities from my office.' > At times, mission interview, a World Bank To dramatize this during an down" are too complex. binder four inches thick, which staff person threw down a dog-eared three-ring of them.' ' Mission staff occapolicies all 170 he identified as the "operational branch of the U.S. government: sionally identified problems working within a throat and you have to Washington shoves something down your this "Sometimes it," but at the end of the day, as staff decide whether to fight it or accept them. [laughs] We are one. "We're a government agency. We are acknowledged, Like it or not, there it is." barrier. As mentioned Complicating this role of *translator" is a language of the first and only language of the vast majority several times in this book, of the government and is Kreyol. The de facto official language Haitian people of the IO percent of the population that business is French, the second language preferred in diploWhile French is one of the UN's official languages, is literate. Union, Kreyôl is much less commonly matic circles, especially in the European 2001), only two U.S. outside of Haiti. At the time I was looking (summer others offered taught language school, and only two universities offered a summer development staff I Haitian Kreyôl.32 Of the twenty-one foreign courses on and Washington whose job implied regular interviewed in Pôtoprens, Brussels, I was able to assess this interaction in Haiti, only three were fluent in Kreyol. like "Sa k pase? speaking a common greeting in Haiti, something easily by clearly How's everything going for you?), or Kijan tout bagay W ap mache?" (What's up? others offered taught language school, and only two universities offered a summer development staff I Haitian Kreyôl.32 Of the twenty-one foreign courses on and Washington whose job implied regular interviewed in Pôtoprens, Brussels, I was able to assess this interaction in Haiti, only three were fluent in Kreyol. like "Sa k pase? speaking a common greeting in Haiti, something easily by clearly How's everything going for you?), or Kijan tout bagay W ap mache?" (What's up? --- Page 184 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS and many of the staple words in "Ki moun ou yè?" (Who are you?). The grammar staffhave French cognates. While some Francophone these phrases do not another American speaking bad particularly in Europe-mistook this as yet just stared back their eyes and switching to English, most people French, rolling veteran with over twenty years of experience, at me blankly. Said one USAID n33 the too busy being a bureaucrat to learn Kreyôl language-specificolly the "I was Haiti's poor majority, and SO use of French-is a central means of excluding are middle-class with donors not fluent in Kreyol only people who could speak and biases. who have their own perspectives NGO directors and managers, because of the language barrier, NGO For several reasons but especially and the aid mediate contact between the service population directors who (Mosse and Lewis 2006; Nagar 2006; Richard agencies serve as powerful brokers differences divide NGO staff and 2009). As argued in chapter 2, socioeconomic of participation. It and these divisions color perceptions their aid recipients, whether these differences also shape would not be unreasonable to question mainstream feminist Noted in chapter I, Mme Laurent critiqued priorities. the agendas and priorities of low-income organizations for not including education: she would like to go to "Peasant women'sdemands: are, first, women: These demands are shared by urban school. Health care is another necessity. the middle class, my demands underprivileged classes as well. But for me in in the U.S. I can go to include health care because I can go to the hospital don't aid have dif- > to Cuba.' Recall in chapter 2 that recipients Martinique. I can go within the NGOS as staff. These are some of ferent views on their participation class divisions. of Haiti's entrenched the many manifestations Effects "on the Shore": Sove Lavi state-level effects of development So far the discussion has focused on macro-, beneficiaries of NGOS have been the direct funding, Since the mid-1990S, shifts discussed in this chapter development aid in Haiti. The tectonic Northern of recipient NGOS crieffects on recipient NGOS as well. Employees have ripple development aid for several tique the national interest component of bilateral what the understanding of the differences in priorities, reasons. First is their interests" required for "frank parCAC member Maxime outlined as "common investment in national producticipation.' Answering Edele's question about "The donor, critiqued the barriers to participatory development: tion, Georges he does not give it to support your priorities that when he gives some money, vision, in his perceptions." Other NGO defined. He gives the money in his direct, you behind international aid in more veterans see the economic interest "You need to buy this car from donors say, concrete terms as literal exchanges: but make you buy a cerTrue, you need to buy a car, they me.' You understand? comes but it returns to the same tain brand of car. In other words, the money > As noted above, 93 percent because they impose something on you." place again support your priorities that when he gives some money, vision, in his perceptions." Other NGO defined. He gives the money in his direct, you behind international aid in more veterans see the economic interest "You need to buy this car from donors say, concrete terms as literal exchanges: but make you buy a cerTrue, you need to buy a car, they me.' You understand? comes but it returns to the same tain brand of car. In other words, the money > As noted above, 93 percent because they impose something on you." place again --- Page 185 --- SHIFTS AND THE POLITICAL TSUNAMI TECTONIC States. A former USAID employee offered an of USAID funds return to the United explanation: *That's our nod to 'buy American." communitiesof NGOS between donors and recipient The various layers as several fronttheir imprint on the process, that is, the intermediarics-leaver these intermediaries: appear as a black line staff at Sove Lavi identified. To some, In other gives money to distribute, SO it's an intermediary. box. "Maybe HS-2004 to give us organizations for our projwords, it received $50 million to distribute to HS-2004, but we for our work, we are accountable ects. So, when we account accountable to the donors. It's the don't know if they themselves have to be Union." > To others, these intermedisame with Global Fund and the European taking their "cut" to get in the way of benefiting local communities, aries appear members, they don't receive anything at all of donors' aid: "Often, community And the money stays blocked because they invade with a group of consultants. benefit. ' Of all the and truly, at times, the community doesn't really somewhere, members of the Haitian elite and transnational companies funds NGOS receive, for office space, cars, computers, generareceive a significant portion, in rent middle class-accounts for tors, and gas. On top of this, the personnel--mostly toward "upstairs" or with most of the salaries going the majority of the budget, few funds are spent on the recipients. "central office" staff.34 Therefore very with all the money spent, at least Recall the CAC member Djoni imploring that Sove Lavi could bring along boxes of condoms. attached as condiabove, in addition to the material benefits As I argued national interest is codified in program design. tions to development aid, the prevention are forced Lavis staff hired to implement the project of HIV/AIDS Sove of whether they support the ideolto abide by the contract's terms, regardless chose the terms: abstibehind it: "Donors make decisions; they ogy or logic believe in this, but it wasn't my choice. I nence, fidelity, or else condom. I don't here [at Sove Lavi]. donor] said that or else if it was a choice don't know if [the this staff person could not idenIwasn't involved, I don't know. " Interestingly, from above. In decisions were made by Mme Versailles or imposed tify whether politik, staff have critiques of the manaddition to disagreeing with the donors' central theme in the approach: and different understandings of the agement style, it isn't true. For me, it's the "When they tell you 'results-based management, it's badly applied. They the title, but it isn't true. At least you can sayi name only, outline work that they impose on you, and don't give you autonomy. They your 'results-based management." Pretty after this you give a result. So, that's not believe in results. CAC members also words. " As noted in chapter 2, with donors, or their interPredictably, staff who have more direct contact understanding. NGO contractors, have a more complex mediary Northern orientation, Mme Lejeune offered an Tacitly accepting the logic of the results could have used to defend Sove alternative interpretation that Mme Versailles you for wondered, "Is it really true that they can penalize Lavi. Mme Lejeune Pretty after this you give a result. So, that's not believe in results. CAC members also words. " As noted in chapter 2, with donors, or their interPredictably, staff who have more direct contact understanding. NGO contractors, have a more complex mediary Northern orientation, Mme Lejeune offered an Tacitly accepting the logic of the results could have used to defend Sove alternative interpretation that Mme Versailles you for wondered, "Is it really true that they can penalize Lavi. Mme Lejeune --- Page 186 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS You could say that they didn't this, or don't you have a tool to defend yourself? but I can only conthat the project finished in March, give the money on time, gives agency during vacation?" Mme Lejeune's interpretation duct the training rather than being passive consumers of NGOS. She argued that to recipient management, they should have the donor discourses, including results-based and Sharma 2006; Rossi ability to use this tool for their own interests (Gupta parallels with Later in the interview, explicitly drawing 2006; Sharma 2008). offered her own analysis of the crisis at Haiti's political situation, Mme Lejeune with what we're told." responsible for what we do Sove Lavi: We are ultimately bind by a binary, either-or offers a solution to the presented This analysis that is useful to Jillian and other understanding of structure versus agency-one victimhood disthat also gets away from a romanticized or neophytes, one without losing sight Aristide's responsibility course, one that can acknowledge of the foreign domination. Higher Ground: Fanm Têt Ansanm insulated for official public aid (ODA) are Northern NGOS that do not apply that public development from these constraints and political pressures Fanm Tèt Ansanm is primarily agencies, certainly bilateral agencies, confront. each raise at least half NGOS that-as they financed by four private European from supporting not constrained their funds outside their governments-are Southern NGOs' relationships, and are able to support long-term "partner" costs. This long-term, stable partnerinfrastructure and basic administrative itself, its high level of Fanm Têt Ansanm's ability to defend ship might explain Tèt Ansanm has been a partner of one gran moun têt li autonomy. Fanm twentyy years). And two other Northern NGO for almost its entire existence (over until then. Mme Fanm Têt Ansanm for about fifteen years donors supported with different donors, with almost two decades of experience to Dominique, NGOS and USAID in their approach explained a difference between European Macdonald 1997): with Southern NGOS (see also Edelman 2005:31; working the you encounter on the ground "European donors are more open to problems They give you a certain latand also open to you as well, what you can tell them. a problem. That things once you alert them that you're having itude to change with them. And they understand the is, you have a participative management other hand, USAID has another themselves. On the problems that present mentioned in this chapter, the privatization of approach. " The tectonic shifts orientation as well as the abstithe national interest that generated the results NGOS. As mentioned policy, are felt on the ground in the recipient nence-only chapter, USAID's management style in chapter 4, and explained in the present donors. Instead of partnership than Fanm Tèt Ansanm's other is more brusque management whereby it retains relationships, USAID practices results-based Sove Lavi's Caravan and control of defining priorities, for example shaping more , the privatization of approach. " The tectonic shifts orientation as well as the abstithe national interest that generated the results NGOS. As mentioned policy, are felt on the ground in the recipient nence-only chapter, USAID's management style in chapter 4, and explained in the present donors. Instead of partnership than Fanm Tèt Ansanm's other is more brusque management whereby it retains relationships, USAID practices results-based Sove Lavi's Caravan and control of defining priorities, for example shaping more --- Page 187 --- SHIFTS AND THE POLITICAL TSUNAMI TECTONIC tool has effeccontrol Fanm Têt Ansanm. This new management attempting to and innovation from Sove Lavi programs tively cut off local planning, initiative, adequate funds for planning. centralizing decisionmaking and by not providing Kanaval by suggestions-such as the provincial Changes or other specific policy and the CAC recommendations celebration mentioned in the previous chapter, economic disagainst women and low capacity for combating discrimination in this centralized planning cussed in chapter 2-are unable to be accommodated director also noted that the new management and funding process. An NGO NGO that managed USAID "When there was another style is less favorable: They defended the NGOS who funds, they managed them much more openly. we did one, two years received aid. So, when USAID went with [name withheld], like their come not to approach with them. This branch of [name withheld),Thavee Fanm Têt Ansanm, largely why too much. >1 These tectonic shifts can explain and autonomy from them, has higher levels of both participation protected dependent on public aid to development. than does Sove Lavi, which is entirely finance Fanm Tèt Ansanm, are not But Northern NGOS, such as those that as Mme from these external pressures. For one thing, completely isolated the Goliath Global Fund and PEPFAR by Dominique recalled, they are following working in the AIDS arena: à la mode. And then suddenly, [international In '88 [AIDS] was already So they stopped financdonors] decided that AIDS didn't exist anymore. And now, time, while it continued to ravage. ing AIDS for a long needs to finance AIDS. And suddenly, AIDS is the great craze. Everyone when there is too much have the impression that the day may come we that all the rest, we are neglecting everything money in AIDS, considering other social problems, and this else, the human (development) element, Global Fund giving a whole lot of is not good. Because now you have the that has entered into in AIDS, and now you have [name withheld] money that entered AIDS. Everything is pointing the AIDS field, [name withheld] toward AIDS. the AIDS program. This shift cuts Fanm Têt Ansanm's donors are all supporting which may explain why other current realities, the medanm off from addressing Ideas to subsirecipients felt they only participated in implementation. current development, create a sôl for medical provide leadership dize transportation, associations do not fit with current donor expenses, or support neighborhood lacks the financial resources to suppriorities, and therefore Fanm Têt Ansanm with numerical accountthese initiatives. In addition, the "project" logic, NGOS, port measurable outcomes, has spread to Northern ing of both finances and including Fanm Têt Ansanm's partners. NGOS, especially of these European A function of the logic partnership, on Southern NGO those that do not have staff in Haiti, are more dependent a sôl for medical provide leadership dize transportation, associations do not fit with current donor expenses, or support neighborhood lacks the financial resources to suppriorities, and therefore Fanm Têt Ansanm with numerical accountthese initiatives. In addition, the "project" logic, NGOS, port measurable outcomes, has spread to Northern ing of both finances and including Fanm Têt Ansanm's partners. NGOS, especially of these European A function of the logic partnership, on Southern NGO those that do not have staff in Haiti, are more dependent --- Page 188 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS NGO staff in Europe whom I directors for their analysis and understanding. longer and much outlined travel to Haiti as a major undertaking, interviewed States. While this gives partners than travel from the United more expensive much about the quarterly or semiannual project more freedom to not worry SO in the hands of NGO direccycle and its brusque changes, it places more power Additionally, different from aid recipients. tors, who may have very perspectives and there are some risks in too much local conditions can change over time, Grassroots International, NGO in the United States, stability. One progressive of contracts. Over time, local partners shared the European donors' longevity Chavannes Jean-Baptiste became more and more involved in politics, notably became a source of tenthe push against Aristide. This and the MPP, leading provides some insulation from sion. Further, while their institutional autonomy with their European NGOs' roles and relationships the political tsunami, have mentioned that while they are changing. A couple national governments moved into "consultancy" roles. outsider advocates, they gradually were initially began to receive funding European NGOS in this study gradually In fact, some the EU,35 And the rules for European developfrom their government or from Lomé Conventions to the current have changed, from the various ment funding neoliberal "race to the bottom" that several solidifying the Cotonou Agreement, expansion. Finally, with EU solidarity activists attribute to European European need to address concerns of European enlargement, there was a perceived development indicators, especially new member states with lower residents, for its own sake that had been lessening the support for foreign development justified by historical colonial ties. Tèt Ansanm and Sove Lavi. I have the comparison of Fanm This completes differences in the spheres of relationships through shown and then explained correlations in the relationships infrastructure" framework. There are a "civic with hierarchies in NGOS' relationship with between different sets of actors, and different in their relationship with aid recipients, donors reproduced local participation at different levels donors and their policies constraining life of two of these donor poli2008). This chapter explained the social (Butler for capacity for individual suggesting that there is some room people's felt cies, constraints. These constraints are obviously action despite the institutional the food chain. Still needed, however, differently depending on where one is in work, and how power and understanding of how these processes is a coherent development. operate within the system of international inequality --- Page 189 --- Conclusion Killing with Kindness? NGOS are such a force multiplier for us, such an important combat team. part of our -U.S. Secretary of State Colin Powell, September 2001 January 12, 20II Waneda It is a year-to the 4:53 P.M. minute-since the earthquake that killed people. A wave of silence has passed at least 230,000 up to the coup, the streets through the city. Like the immediate leadare empty. Roosters crowing in only sound. It seemed that even the the distance are the caretakers, are dogs, following the lead of their human honoring the moment of silence. part of our -U.S. Secretary of State Colin Powell, September 2001 January 12, 20II Waneda It is a year-to the 4:53 P.M. minute-since the earthquake that killed people. A wave of silence has passed at least 230,000 up to the coup, the streets through the city. Like the immediate leadare empty. Roosters crowing in only sound. It seemed that even the the distance are the caretakers, are dogs, following the lead of their human honoring the moment of silence. This is how commemorate the loss of their loved people chose to families, ones: at home or at quietly and dignified. church, with their Ih had to move out of my house because several inches wide although it is still standing, a crack traverses an entire wall on the first neighbors like Lise weren't SO lucky. floor. My immediate rescued and Except for a small two-room restored, the house wing carefully her father out from the collapsed on top of her father. Lise had to rubble. Up the hill, Samuel lost pull house collapsed. Pascal lost his both his parents as his to school, always daughter. Julie lost her "best" son. "He was studying when the other neighbor going He always told me that he would boys were playing football. move us into a real house," > become a doctor and support his mother, to (what Julie said, for the first time since people call the earthquake, the goudougoudou not wanting to actually mimicking the sound of the earth sayt the word, shaking, front of me and her neighbors. tranblemanntéa)e able to shed a little tear in destroyed, The two houses on top of the hill killing all members of both families. were totally popilè (low-income neighborhood) My street has become a katye all the middle-class because in addition to these deaths, survivors like Lise abandoned their nearly Despite this quiet reflection, damaged homes. quake with much fanfare: foreigners marked the first anniversary of the media-staged events, celebrations, crusades, protests, --- Page 190 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS being sent on the Internet as either press conferences, and annual reports press humanitarian actors have become bloggers. releases or as "news," since many camp called Kanaran did its sixty thousand residents, a far-flung Despite for Migration to the International Organization not officially exist according arrived. In this abandoned, dusty, wind- (IOM), and as such very little NGO aid committees. In one "turf" was the swept camp, there is not one but two camp and ripped and toilets. On the other sat an empty camp's only water supply the other committee representative UNICEF tent, on which graffiti denouncing around it, including the In the neutral zone, dwarfing everything was written. that were to replace a makeshift school tents, toilets, and the wood structures using profespeople were building a soundstage made on one side of the camp, crusade," s boasted this materials. *We're going to have a big sional building to be too direct, I asked who was going committee member. While not wanting and NGOS organizations, the government, to come. He said that international their work. Of course journalists were were going to be there to commemorate invited, he said, probably thinking I was one. stage said what was whose shop sat across from the sound A barber thousands of dollars driving minds: "Instead of spending inevitably on many the equipment and all this, they could people here, building the stage, renting just give us food. We're starving." bused to Channmas, where tens of thousands of faithful were This morning, the ruins of the National Palace, to attend a thousands of people lived among stand built, he was positioned Because of the "crusade" led by a foreign pastor. heroes. Echoing Pat Robertson, higher than the statues of Haitian revolutionary and Protestant of a veritable invasion by mission groups and bolstered by a year the crowd, in English, "You used to NGOS doling out food aid, this pastor said to know after January 12 with witchcraft was just a game. mas, where tens of thousands of faithful were This morning, the ruins of the National Palace, to attend a thousands of people lived among stand built, he was positioned Because of the "crusade" led by a foreign pastor. heroes. Echoing Pat Robertson, higher than the statues of Haitian revolutionary and Protestant of a veritable invasion by mission groups and bolstered by a year the crowd, in English, "You used to NGOS doling out food aid, this pastor said to know after January 12 with witchcraft was just a game. Now you think playing demonstration of people living undertents that this is serious.' " A much smaller who had put aside their difto accompany them, and grassroots organizations apart in 2004, snaked through ferences over Aristide that ripped the country what the IOM declared to the many injustices still faced by the plaza, protesting displaced people (IDP) camps. be 810,000 people living in internally half the of officially this exodus of almost population The IOM declared the end of the tunnel," ' dutifully repeated by recognized IDP camps the "light at of international aid Bill Clinton, claiming it as a success UN Special Envoy during many a press conference today. grassroots organizations apart in 2004, snaked through ferences over Aristide that ripped the country what the IOM declared to the many injustices still faced by the plaza, protesting displaced people (IDP) camps. be 810,000 people living in internally half the of officially this exodus of almost population The IOM declared the end of the tunnel," ' dutifully repeated by recognized IDP camps the "light at of international aid Bill Clinton, claiming it as a success UN Special Envoy during many a press conference today. different. In a camp in Kafou The realities on the ground look quite toilets when the cholera Church, there were still no (Carrefour), at an Adventist after the earthquake. Church leadoutbreak began in late October, ten months stayed until one verbal warnings for people to leave. People ers had been giving were recorded in the camp. The when eight cases of cholera day in November, Levi, a camp in Taba (Tabarre), is a shell next day, all 546 people fled the camp. --- Page 191 --- CONCLUSION remain following the cholera outbreak. of its former self: only 30 of 486 people house. Neighbors' never had a toilet, SO people went to a neighbor's The camp after the outbreak of the fecal-borne generosity has limits, however, especially disease. camp. Others pitched what was Where did they go? Some went to another front ofa friend'sh house. their tent after ten months of tropical weather in I left of house slated for demolition.' Some may Some may have squatted on an empty have created a whole unofficial camps like Kanaran. Others may have gone to aid officials. recently "discovered" by new camp In short, no one knows. the light at the end of the So rather than the rapid depopulation being tunnel, it may be an oncoming train. NGOS and Cholera aid, and of NGOS in of the failures of the post-quake Cholera is a clear symptom of a random sample of Before the outbreak, a July/August 2010 study of particular. in the metro area-found that 40.5 percent 108 IDP camps-one in eight of camps did not have a single toidid not have water, and 30.3 percent camps toilets were on average shared by 273 people let. Overall in the Potoprens area, for the spread of cholera, a fecal- (Schuller 2010b). These were prime conditions it did. The minister of contaminated water. And spread borne disease spread by disease claimed more than four health reported on January 24, 201I, that the half months and hunBy January: 20II, after two and a thousand lives (AFP2011). aid, there was a minimum of progress: 37.6 dreds of millions in newly pledged water, and 25.8 instead of 30.3 perpercent instead of 40.5 percent still lacked What little progress was of were still without a toilet (Schuller 2011). cent camps because of a coordinated process meeting made was concentrated in Sitesolèy offices led by the Haitian government. in local government aid system, particularly NGOS, thrust the international Haiti's earthquake increased public scrutiny, the earthinto the public spotlight. In addition to aid system. For "teachable moment" for the international quake provided a hearing, Bill Clinton apologized for example, at a March 2010 congressional through the delivery of Haitian rice production under his presidency destroying I and 5), calling it a "Devil's bargain." USAID food aid (discussed in chapters donors' overof State Hillary Clinton also publicly questioned He and Secretary elected governments. A discourse dependence on NGOS and their circumventing following this exposure, critical of the humanitarian response has proliferated Disaster Accountability aid workers and journalists (e.g., particularly among Project 2010; Oxfam International 20II). Project 2011; Humanitarian Accountability States, Ricardo Seitenfus for the Organization of American Even the representative interview with the Swiss newspaper of Brazil, said in a December 20, 2010, USAID food aid (discussed in chapters donors' overof State Hillary Clinton also publicly questioned He and Secretary elected governments. A discourse dependence on NGOS and their circumventing following this exposure, critical of the humanitarian response has proliferated Disaster Accountability aid workers and journalists (e.g., particularly among Project 2010; Oxfam International 20II). Project 2011; Humanitarian Accountability States, Ricardo Seitenfus for the Organization of American Even the representative interview with the Swiss newspaper of Brazil, said in a December 20, 2010, --- Page 192 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS failure of international aid" (Robert 2010). Le Temps that "Haiti is the proof of the What accounts for this well become the Waterloo of the NGO system. Haiti may billions in aid being given, NGOS' efforts, and even collective failure, despite some remarkable individual successes? presented challenges that the earthquake It should first be acknowledged nerve center at that. because it struck an urban area, and the country's to find land to relostaff, "In rural disaster situations, it's easy According to IOM not the case." > Another reason In Port-au-Prince, that was simply cate people. delivered. Of the $5.6 billion official developwas the slowness of aid actually 20II, only 37 percent for the period through the end of September ment aid pledged after the pledges (Interim Haiti Recovery was sent by January 201I, nine months at the end of September 20I0 Commission 2011). This was up from 15 percent (Preston and Wallace According to the Chronicle of Philanthropy (Katz 2010). donations collected a year fol2011), NGOS only spent 38 percent of the private because most NGOS have but this is difficult to assess lowing the earthquake, Disaster Accountability Project (2011). transparency, according to the poor and financial procedures cannot possibly In any event, this lack of funding opaque the are structural. for the persistent gaps in aid. At the root, problems account Understanding NGOS success and failure stories focus on indiDespite the increased attention, most aid workers understandably and NGOS. Almost all accounts by vidual people looking for funding. The that they are always highlight their success, given exception. He published an anthropologist Tim Schwartz (2008) was a notable self-serving ofthe most reprehensible, shortsighted, exposé from his experience We have seen in the pages of this actions of people within aid agencies. Sove Lavi but also in Fanm Tèt enraging actions, particularly by book similarly Schwartz's account is an analysis of why Ansanm. However, missing from even well-intentioned individuals end up reproducing inequality. several strucof Sove Lavi and Fanm Tèt Ansanm highlight The experience People associated with them are, in tural problems even before the earthquake. they were handed and to make the best of a situation fact, human, trying Good people, very well educated at responding to external reward structures. continue to fail? This book work for Sove Lavi. Why is it, then, that they that, also silence frontline similar processes that cut off local participation shows autonomy. Post-cholera the field and erode organizational staff with experiencein that Sove Lavi was stifled: instrumenprogress was stifled for the same reasons collaboration, and coordination. communication, talism eroding participation, for ends other than NGOS have become instrumentalized-used attractive to donors. As many scholhumanitarian-as they have become more associations tied to began as private, voluntary ars noted, NGOS as a structure Why is it, then, that they that, also silence frontline similar processes that cut off local participation shows autonomy. Post-cholera the field and erode organizational staff with experiencein that Sove Lavi was stifled: instrumenprogress was stifled for the same reasons collaboration, and coordination. communication, talism eroding participation, for ends other than NGOS have become instrumentalized-used attractive to donors. As many scholhumanitarian-as they have become more associations tied to began as private, voluntary ars noted, NGOS as a structure --- Page 193 --- CONCLUSION raised the majority of funds for their work themfaith-based communities that Hefferan 2007; Mathurin et al. 1989). selves (e.g., Bornstein 2003; Fisher 1997; associations were close-knit, Many practitioners recall that these nonprofit is still true for and focused on a shared mission. It arguably self-sacrificing, raise most of their money from members. The system grassroots organizations' that and practices. Following following shifts in donor discourses, policies, was remade and the World Bank did not need the end of the Cold War, donors like USAID bloc. In fact, against the Soviet theydiscovered strong centralized states to compete and removed from the people. that states were too strong, centralized, corrupt, were often described directly financing NGOS instead; the 1990S So they began During the decade before 1996, the number for NGOS (Agg 2006). as a "golden age" more than doubled to thirty-eight of NGOS working in more than one country there are SO many NGOS thousand (Scholte and Schnabel, 2002:250). Currently, This distrust of states at their number (Riddell 2007:53). that we can't even guess but also geopolitical struggles, the of neoliberalism reflects not only ascendency took over Congress wanted to such as in Haiti in 1995: Republicans who just policy. Haiti was his only President Clinton's inexperience in foreign USAIDexpose unlike Rwanda or Somalia. So Congress forbade "success" story to date, fund Aristide. NGOS branch, under the State Department-to within the executive beneficiaries, and their budgets exploded. were the (sometimes unwitting) were corrupted bythe process, As NGOS became increasingly powerful, many manPolicies like results- or performance-based which affected participation. authority and have had the effect of centralizing decision-making Sove Lavi. agement dramatized by closing off avenues for meaningful local participation, NGOS are increasingly democratic process, Rather than an open, participatory, that reduces people to statistics. rewarded for a "bean counting" approach experience are increasingly Corrections and changes made from on-the-ground Even at Fanm shows ("We are prisoners difficult, as Sove Lavi's experience edging out those of their service Têt Ansanm, donor priorities are increasingly as AIDS became "the great craze.' 7 recipients also cut off intra-NGO communicaThese byzantine reporting requirements of contact with who work "in the field" and who are the direct points tion. Staff authority. Local removed from decision-making aid recipients are increasingly irrelevant, as NGOS have to follow needs deliberation has become increasingly donor priorities, cycle and do exactly as they're told, implementing the "project" (as was the case at Sove Lavi). The reporting or risk their funding being pulled administrations, usually with NGOS with bloated requirements create top-heavy requirements and full-time accountant versed in USAID reporting at least one staff). Job ads-often in English-explicitly software (as with Sove Lavi's upstairs increased following the These difficulties only ask for these competencies. staff representing NGOS at cluster earthquake, with foreign, non-Kreyol-speaking to the camps. Kreyôl speakers were going meetings while monolingual was the case at Sove Lavi). The reporting or risk their funding being pulled administrations, usually with NGOS with bloated requirements create top-heavy requirements and full-time accountant versed in USAID reporting at least one staff). Job ads-often in English-explicitly software (as with Sove Lavi's upstairs increased following the These difficulties only ask for these competencies. staff representing NGOS at cluster earthquake, with foreign, non-Kreyol-speaking to the camps. Kreyôl speakers were going meetings while monolingual --- Page 194 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS imposed by donors reorient NGOS to The reporting and other requirements above, not from below. If, as in the concerned with accountability from be more the CACS, an NGO like Sove Lavi fails case of the World AIDS Day activities or have no direct contact the community has no recourse. They a community, the NGO directors. If a state-sponsored development with the donors or even citizens would be in the lined the pockets of insiders, project failed or merely in theory some accountability, some because there is at least streets protesting, cannot be compelled to work better, or responsibility, to the citizenry. NGOS and foremost private, volununderserved areas, because they are first work in to individual successes postinitiatives. This is why any NGO can point a tary of camps still lacked water year earthquake, while close to 40 percent in Haiti are funded and this, NGOS working following the quake. Compounding NGOS like Sove Lavi and Fanm Têt usually headquartered abroad. "Haitian" but foreign funders still Ansanm may have Haitian decision-making structures, that "the one who pays the influence, recalling the old saying wield powerful piper calls the tune." 1 others through ever-powerful Since donors' relationships with NGOS trump to work together. regimes, there is little incentive reporting and management competitors with one another and even NGOS are in fact, structurally speaking, information or coordinate among itself. Why share the Haitian government Often these relationships entities that are competing for the same resources? undermining of the but given this, and donors' systematic erupt in hostilities, only a fraction of NGOS in Haiti state's oversight and coordination capacity, In many annual reports, to the Haitian government. submit the bare minimum, NGOS to disregard the authority of cases, donors' policies actually encourage than do the government far more the state. Recall that NGOS pay employees ministries (Morton 1997; Pierre-Louis 2011). and reward structures. All the above are reflections of donors' policies "Haitian mentalindividual moral failures-a Therefore, far from representing Schwartz's, would suggest-actors of coverage, including ity," as the majority fashion, responding to the within the system are behaving in an understandable: what I call *trickle-down structure, inequality, and the reward system, coordipower work against collaboration, imperialism." > Donors' reward structures Sove Lavi's This not only explains and participation. nation, communication, of human capital, but also why gaping holes repeated failures despite its wealth millions in aid and the urgency persisted despite in the IDP camp coverage following the cholera outbreak. Theoretical Contributions written by NGO employees, from the point of Notwithstanding the barrage of PR IDPs who fled the camps of NGO aid-be it Sove Lavi's CACS, or view of recipients reward system, coordipower work against collaboration, imperialism." > Donors' reward structures Sove Lavi's This not only explains and participation. nation, communication, of human capital, but also why gaping holes repeated failures despite its wealth millions in aid and the urgency persisted despite in the IDP camp coverage following the cholera outbreak. Theoretical Contributions written by NGO employees, from the point of Notwithstanding the barrage of PR IDPs who fled the camps of NGO aid-be it Sove Lavi's CACS, or view of recipients --- Page 195 --- CONCLUSION existence because of the failure to protect for an even more precarious attained. This is not only true of cholera-the "results" are not being intervenagainst six decades of development Haiti. Aside from a handful of countries, and inequality often tions have made only minimal progress, while poverty described two kinds of James Ferguson (1990) deepened. The anthropologist technical solutions within mainexplanations: "functional" critiques that seek arguing that the ideology, and "foundational" critiques stream development rethought, overhauled, or done away structure and premise need to be critically with entirely. critical scholarship on NGOS. On the one A similar divergence exists in the idea that human- -intrumenaltator-thel hand, scholar/practitionerse critique humanitarianism, notably the itarian action is used for purposes other than (e.g., Atmar 2001; economic or geopolitical interests promotion of foreign that NGOS are tools of 2012). Scholars that are more radical argue Donini the capitalist market economy into imperialism, primarily used to integrate This distinction is primarily (e.g., Lwijis 2009; Petras 1997). local communities the same structural reality. NGOS discussing one of degree or interpretation, communities from countries across the that glue together local are structures globe: they are intermediaries. be used to accomplish different structures, NGOS can As value-neutral of what ends requires attention to ends. How NGOS are used and in the service to the What NGO staff do, how they respond human agency and relationships. have impact, but such actors, and pressures, can great various relationships, the NGOS. With genuine by the social field surrounding actions are constrained and sufficient gran moun têt li autonomy space for beneficiary participation NGO can be used by the community to to be able to defend local priorities, an the NGO can be used by their needs. Absent participation and autonomy, meet agendas. Therefore the human international agencies to implement foreign surrounding the NGOS, especially participation and autonomy relationships, their impact. Following a frame and evaluating are pivotal to understanding the structural position NGOS understanding these relationships and highlighting of the this book concludes with an interrogation inhabit as intermediaries, that these intermediaries wield. power Civic Infrastructure insights by anthropologists probThis book draws on some of the theoretical 2008; Kamat 2002). NGOS as a single entity (Hilhorst 2003; Kaag lematizing aid recipients, are actors with agency Different constituencies, including Thus the most appropriate way (Luetchford 2006; Rossi 2006; Salemink 2006). within the varisphere of relationships to study NGOS is as an interconnected infrastructure is the interrelated civic infrastructure. Civic ous constituencies: various stakeholder groups of a given set of relationships between and among probThis book draws on some of the theoretical 2008; Kamat 2002). NGOS as a single entity (Hilhorst 2003; Kaag lematizing aid recipients, are actors with agency Different constituencies, including Thus the most appropriate way (Luetchford 2006; Rossi 2006; Salemink 2006). within the varisphere of relationships to study NGOS is as an interconnected infrastructure is the interrelated civic infrastructure. Civic ous constituencies: various stakeholder groups of a given set of relationships between and among --- Page 196 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS social grouping (even temporary This book has "assemblages in this case women's explored the relationships "below, >> between NGOs. beneficiaries; "inside," among NGO the NGOs and donors, and the Haitian staff; and "above," among the NGO, their government. Understood as a total relationship affects the others (Schuller system because each individual 2006b), we can nonetheless tease relationships, such as participation and apart The experiences at Sove Lavi in autonomy. pation is understood differently: particular forcefully highlight that particiand directors across a series of divides, or donors (Eriksson Baaz notably aid recipients intuitive point still has 2005; Hilhorst 2003). This yet to be admittedly ethnography implemented within critiques simplistic ideas of development. This are still important to mention. participation that, while hardly new, Despite their limitations, the chapter 2 have some utility for scholars and snapshot tables in orate what participation practitioners. The form helps elabidentifying which means given the various stages of an NGO stakeholder groups project, To NGOS like Sove Lavi and their participate in what part of the project. donors, when in fact there are "participation" involves only execution, many more steps. local communities in Explaining why Sove Lavi didn't involve planning, two specific donor granting, and results-based plicies-abetinencecony the first rendering local contracting-centralized authority in donors' favor, participation moot and the second by by imposing specific curtailing local consultation and interventions, needed to respond to local needs. reducing the flexibility Iti is important to remember that are occurring within a shared inequalities and challenges to participation goal of eradicating Maxime called "common interest" HIV/AIDS, what CAC member discussed in these within "frank participation. The pages are only magnified when dynamics lides with that of recipient countries. donors' national interest coltheir own technological, This often occurs when donors promote commercial, or of national agricultural commodities at the production, such as U.S. food aid in Haiti expense This book builds on critical discussed earlier. identified two senses of ethnographic insights on autonomy. First, people grammatic (gran autonomy, financial (grès kochon kwit kochon) and moun têt li). In addition to proHaiti, this insight is useful for other culturally meaningful distinctions in flush with aid money. Second, low-income, heavily NGOized social spheres challenging the state-focused literature, this book bias in highlights that NGOS need development (Auyero and Switsun 2009; Biggs and autonomy from donors as well Moving Neame 1996; Fisher 1997; Kamat beyond "social capital," " a civic 2003). modes of interaction between the infrastructure analysis studies the stakeholder frame. As this book has shown, these groups within a single analytic and recipients, among NGO staff, and relationships-for example, between an NGO each between NGO and bearing on other donors-arei interrelated, relationships. CACs were definitely affected relationship with donors. In addition, by Sove Lavi's by studying the modes of interaction and as well Moving Neame 1996; Fisher 1997; Kamat beyond "social capital," " a civic 2003). modes of interaction between the infrastructure analysis studies the stakeholder frame. As this book has shown, these groups within a single analytic and recipients, among NGO staff, and relationships-for example, between an NGO each between NGO and bearing on other donors-arei interrelated, relationships. CACs were definitely affected relationship with donors. In addition, by Sove Lavi's by studying the modes of interaction and --- Page 197 --- CONCLUSION not the people themselves, civic individuals are studied but the infrastructure escapes a conceptual dilemma: "units of analysis" tend to be groupings (cf. Putnam 2001). For example, amorphous social of social capital, erasing "Haitians" are said to have low levels example, socially significant differences within a gender, race/color, or class (Arneil 2006). population-for acknowledges the Finally, civic complexities of a social world that infrastructure between "local" and cannot easily be divided "global," as they are diaries (Richard 2009). interconnected by a series of intermeNGOS as "Semi-elites" Understanding the relationships as a total highlights the points of contact, or system-civic infrastructureNorthern donors and intermediaries. Mediating contact between been agencies and local communities in the South, NGOS increasingly playing roles as intermediaries have world system. within the contemporary Critical globalization scholars focus on the (e.g., Robinson 2004; Sklair 2001). While transnational capitalist class tem, this class needs either a central actor within the world systhe hegemony or coercion to maintain growing rise in worldwide military control. Despite the imperial strategy of war is expenditures and war-induced deaths, Without a class of semi-elites, showing signs of faltering (Wallerstein 2003). globalization, the capitalist class's rule is not like imperialism, possible. Neoliberal intermediaries, local colonialism, and slavery before it, people selected to receive some benefits of requires exploitation, inequality, and the system of interests. Many exclusion, and who therefore identify with examples of such foreign Britain's strategy of "indirect rule" ltemodaner-vemi-dlin -arose from chief" (Evans-Pritchard (Padmore 1969), like the Nuer's "government [1940] 1969) and East India NGOS are the contemporary inheritors Company Brahmins. Southern aries. These semi-elites of this structural position of intermediare buttressing the system, "gluing globalization" (Schuller contemporary neoliberal world Not merely institutional 2009). ideological functions. points of connection, NGOs tend to play: Even progressive Southern NGOS important tional layers against grassroots social can provide institulocal change movements and even development. Sove Lavi selected undermine and community leaders preexisting community as volunteer trainers in their organizations gram, shifting grassroots groups' priorities HIV/AIDS-prevention prodonors. Sove Lavi toward those of Sove Lavi and their ignored CAC members' series of ects that identified poverty and recommendations for projin HIV/AIDS transmission. gender-based discrimination as critical factors "They don't Danielle expressed the frustration in economic accept [our suggestions] because terms: A more open, they are just doing business.' autonomous, and participative NGO, Fanm Têt demonstrably more amicable Ansanm had relationships with aid recipients, who participated grassroots groups' priorities HIV/AIDS-prevention prodonors. Sove Lavi toward those of Sove Lavi and their ignored CAC members' series of ects that identified poverty and recommendations for projin HIV/AIDS transmission. gender-based discrimination as critical factors "They don't Danielle expressed the frustration in economic accept [our suggestions] because terms: A more open, they are just doing business.' autonomous, and participative NGO, Fanm Têt demonstrably more amicable Ansanm had relationships with aid recipients, who participated --- Page 198 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS processes and not simply implemenin more deliberation and decision-making for member discussion and tation. Even at Fanm Tèt Ansanm, however, space eroded. This is connected to decision-making were gradually, and then abruptly, emphasis on numerlandscape of aid financing, with ever-greater the changing in addition to closing the ical "results" (Oxfam America 2008). Consequently, member several ideas for projects arising from participation, advocacy group, help for neighborhood associations, and such as support for public transport, Fanm Têt Ansanm became a sôl for medical expenses remain unimplemented. work, ending their support increasingly known only for its HIVIAIDS-prevention because of their workers' rights and moving far away from their constituency for exerted indirect control of Fanm Têt education. Donors success at community agreed with, a subtler erosion of financing only what they Ansanm's priorities, initiatives. I have argued that member participation undermining "bottom-up" of forNGOs' work, and the implantation internal social dynamics can shape and exclusions. Even NGOS eign-funded NGOS can support existing hierarchies can Têt Ansanm with a history and desire for grassroots empowerment like Fanm centralize power and disempower communities. ofthe United States with a Howard Zinn (1995:622) ended his. People's History " He argued whom he called "guards of the system. plea to the U.S. middle class, within the system, uncertain of their position that when these intermediaries, Ordinarily, the middle class idenidentify with "the people, " change is possible. They become a stabitifies with the ruling class because of privileges granted. change in a Keynesian/New lizing factor against class struggle or revolutionary "middle class" may be culturally > The self-identified Deal "class compromise." United States, and given recent policies adding and historically particular to the But Zinn's idea of financial crisis, may soon be a memory. fuel to the global this particular context. Even more SO "guards of the system" is useful beyond the "NGO class" is dependent than a middle class in a postindustrial economy, at curruling class. NGOS exist and employ professionals on the transnational If and when these policies or finanrent high levels because of donor policies. exist. But as intermediaries, this entire class could cease to cial flows change, words, "The Establishment cannot surNGOS hold the keys for change. In Zinn's who are given small the obedience and loyalty of millions of people 9) vive without If stop obeying, the system falls." rewards to keep the system going. . they their roles as guards of the So why don't they disobey? Why do NGOS continue and hierarchies we need to examine the inequalities system? For answers inherent in the system of international aid. Trickle-Down Imperialism and the roles of intermeFinally, with attention to spheres of interrelationships detail with which to evaluate diaries, this book offers contextualized ethnographic 's who are given small the obedience and loyalty of millions of people 9) vive without If stop obeying, the system falls." rewards to keep the system going. . they their roles as guards of the So why don't they disobey? Why do NGOS continue and hierarchies we need to examine the inequalities system? For answers inherent in the system of international aid. Trickle-Down Imperialism and the roles of intermeFinally, with attention to spheres of interrelationships detail with which to evaluate diaries, this book offers contextualized ethnographic --- Page 199 --- CONCLUSION especially in international development. theories of power and how it operates, work has been done Marxist analyses of inequality, much good Building on either as "economic hit men" (Perkins 2006) uncovering the power IFIS wield, "structural adjustment programs" what used to be called or simply through (Bello 1996). however, most world theoretical dismissing of intermediaries, Parallel to the of power. Most focus approaches are limited in their understanding of systems coercive in their application their attention on institutions that are explicitly World Trade Organization, the sovereign power wrested from states-particularlytl and NGOS are not the same, the IMF, and the World Bank. Donor institutions countries IFIS like the World Bank and the IMF: in theory, recipient structurally, as default on IFI loans. IFIS have triggered a can refuse aid while not being able to because of the coercive power social movement growing and vocal opposition critique of structural adjustment movement's they wield. This transnational Interestingly, given the wave of programs forced IFIS to adopt new language. the World Bank, in the first decade oft the twenty-first century targeting 2004; Notes protests (e.g., Danaher 2004; Mertes IMF, and the World Trade Organization bilateral donors-to say the least from Nowhere 2003; Starr 2005), the UN and because of donors' and this criticism. This is in part of NGOs-have escaped humanitarianism. How are NGOs' different mission and approach, namely reconstrucunderstand the obvious failures in the post-earthquake people to humanitarian actors have a sincere desire to tion, while granting that many forms of power operathelp? How are citizens able to critique the postmodern armada of NGOS donor institutions and the ostensibly apolitical ing within other official donors' development agendas? implementing USAID and either ignore other institutional scholars tend to Critical globalization agencies, or paint them with a notably humanitarian and development actors, Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri broad brush as collaborators of Empire; binary framework is called NGOS "mendicant orders. This moralistic, share (2001:36) critical globalization scholars far too simplistic to be useful. In fact, many a class of some humanitarians and solidarity activists to reserve a tendency with activists' travel to the World Social Forum "good" NGOS, such as those who fund be behind an exhaustive array This idealism may and other regional gatherings. or "grassroots" or "memberschemas: "local" or "progressive" of classificatory NGOS from the criticism of the system. ship-based" is a way to exempt some defined only by what they are cliché to point out that NGOS are It has become circular discussion, we should focus our not. Getting around this endlessly of these actions. To underattention on NGOS' actions, and the social impacts realities of NGOS, need a theoretical tool grounded in the stand and evaluate we from local through global levels. that mediate relationships as institutions world systems analysis inherits its theoArising from a Marxist tradition, transnational social regarding power.4 Except for organized retical limitations -based" is a way to exempt some defined only by what they are cliché to point out that NGOS are It has become circular discussion, we should focus our not. Getting around this endlessly of these actions. To underattention on NGOS' actions, and the social impacts realities of NGOS, need a theoretical tool grounded in the stand and evaluate we from local through global levels. that mediate relationships as institutions world systems analysis inherits its theoArising from a Marxist tradition, transnational social regarding power.4 Except for organized retical limitations --- Page 200 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS noted above, there is no room in the movements (relying on "good" NGOS) the system. In addition, calculus for human agency, notably to change therefore analytic theoretical current fails to interrogate-and the mainstream Marxian Zinn criticized, the alliances that ultimately be able to intervene in-what dismissing them as evidence intermediaries make with powerful groups, simply inherent in this belieft that " Putting aside the paternalism of "false consciousness." the "correct" consciousness party-or a Soviet state-knows only a revolutionary cannot understand how people become for "its" working class, Marxian theory agents in their own oppression. Foucault's work. The French theorist This is the starting point of Michel attention to processes of selfof power, calling exploded our understandings critiquing the "repressive hypothesis" censorship through "discipline" (1979), and sketching a sociology of outlining the generative aspects of power, (1978) by focus on the "conduct of conduct," increasingly how modernist governments (1991). rationality or governmentality" perfecting a governmental of his native France, Basing his theorizing on a critical historiography his inattention to theories are hampered by his own Eurocentrism, Foucault's of France, and his silence on the quesdimensions the colonialist/imperialist His istwa of the evolution of "modern" tions of race or even class inequality. in the Caribbean, particularly notably leaves out the brutality of slavery the power and the centrality of this institution to rising in what was to become Haiti, "barbaric" in their application that was ostensibly less "violent" or bourgeoisie center with non-slaves. This theoretical of power, at least in the imperial whether "Panopticon," Foucault's conceptualizations of power, blind spot aside, ' are both individualiz- "confession," or "biopower, "means of correct training,' and nowhere, and totalizing. Power is at once everywhere and ing/individuating amorphous institutions and ideologies operating in and on individuals by Missing is an analysis of relevant citizen-subjects' internalization of the above. racism, the inequalities among these groups: social groupings, particularly patriarchy, and class inequality. picture of the Marxian analyses of power offers an incomplete Whereas solely from Foucault are devoid of functioning of power, approaches stemming One creative synsocial realities, including hierarchy and inequality. Aradhana important elaborated by the anthropologist thesis is "neoliberal governmentality," (2006) an institution for women's Sharma, who studied with Akhil Gupta the Indian government that straddled the social space between aid empowerment NGO actions and their regimes of "participation," and an NGO. Through the logic of neoliberal capitalism. In recipients internalize and put into practice bureaucratic inertia stifles addition, echoing Lenin (1922) and Michels (1949), of Marx and (see also Nagar 2006). This is a productive grafting social change structure of a constellation of Foucault that renders visible the underlying invites further inquiry addressing gender inequality. This analysis organizations government that straddled the social space between aid empowerment NGO actions and their regimes of "participation," and an NGO. Through the logic of neoliberal capitalism. In recipients internalize and put into practice bureaucratic inertia stifles addition, echoing Lenin (1922) and Michels (1949), of Marx and (see also Nagar 2006). This is a productive grafting social change structure of a constellation of Foucault that renders visible the underlying invites further inquiry addressing gender inequality. This analysis organizations --- Page 201 --- CONCLUSION mechanisms by which a range of intermediary actors prointo the structural the starting point of the process I call duce and exert power. This is precisely "trickle-down imperialism." Trickle-Down Imperialism Defined mandates, subordinates often assert a conserGiven ambiguous or vague policy using the implicit with a view to please their supervisors, vative interpretation also increases their Such an interpretation power relationship as justification. "lower on the food chain," " thus legitpower vis-à-vis their subordinates, people interpretation trickles This inequalityand conservative imating their authority. USAID context, from Congress to political down the system-for example, in a to mission directors, to bureaucrats in Washington, appointees to mid-level to the implementation NGO contractors, to Southern NGO partners, Northern overt control by memos, directives, and formal level. This is more effective than Also, policies and aid because it is harder to identify and critique. such policies in Congress or the World Bank, packages tend to look good on paper Haiti's earthquake. Clinton's slogan of "building back better" following as Bill policies translate into disastrous on-the-ground How do these well-intentioned the resulting failures? realities, and how can we analyze and critique development manLooking at how intentionally vague, positive-sounding need to interrogate the NGO practices, we dates translate into on-the-ground They are at once constrained roles that intermediaries play in service delivery. paired in a balwith human action and agency and empowered by the structure, of Sove Lavi, several institutions act. As highlighted above, in the case and ancing donors (in this case, U.S. residents as taxpayers) mediate contact between leaders, and by extension rural aid recipients (in this case, peasants association and other Congress, the State Department, USAID management then Sove communities): Northern NGOS, and Washington staff, USAID/Haiti staff, contracting contact with either donors or and "downstairs" staff. Direct Lavi administration limited, which cuts off open communicapeople "on the ground" is thus very tion and limits effectiveness. self-governing units requires the ideology of autonomous, The aid system definition hierarchical. Intermediaries of accountability that is by and a system tasked with implementing superiors' are supposed to be responsible managers mandate, a USAIDsubordinates. Given such a vague mandates and supervising mission director, or NGO director can Washington middle manager, USAID (not in the political or "liberal" interpretation choose either a "conservative" at Sove Lavi, it was the former; at sense). Consistently but the epistemological conservative, cautious interpretations. each step, an intermediary made more with Sove Lavi CAC members, it canSo by the time the policy is implemented conflict. NGO directors and hence it exacerbates not address local participation admit they are not autonomous act more like Mme Versailles who are loath to mission director, or NGO director can Washington middle manager, USAID (not in the political or "liberal" interpretation choose either a "conservative" at Sove Lavi, it was the former; at sense). Consistently but the epistemological conservative, cautious interpretations. each step, an intermediary made more with Sove Lavi CAC members, it canSo by the time the policy is implemented conflict. NGO directors and hence it exacerbates not address local participation admit they are not autonomous act more like Mme Versailles who are loath to --- Page 202 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS because their funding could be conservatively than their donors want or need, even think to quesMme Versailles and Sove Lavi don't cut. This is partially why alternatives. There is often very little room tion or challenge, let alone imagine and Thiele 1993; Biggs and Neame in which NGOS can negotiate (Bebbington act within a small Pearce 1997). As long as they 1996; Edwards and Hulme 1996a; governance, a balance is sphere with a pretense of autonomy, practicing "good out of the sphere of allowmaintained. But the moment an NGO director steps threat of power, in the the organization can be disciplined. The able actions, akin to Foucault's "discipline" but is pulling of funding, is not only internalized discussion of Sove Lavi. as described in chapter 4's also real and imminent, which intermediaries is also a means by This trickle-down imperialism direct contact between groups, assert their power over subordinates. Mediating managers, contracting that intermetiaries-mididle one of the only powers within this system is to interNorthern NGOS, or Southern NGO directors-have are then These "conservative" interpretations pret mandates within a contract. since subordinates are unable to sent down the chain of command as mandates, contact with higher-ups. them because they are not in question or challenge to force its new sub-grantee Fanm Recall how Fondation Sogebank attempted Ansanm was able to hold its ground Tèt Ansanm under its thumb. Fanm Tèt it already had a Global with the Global Fund's new primary recipient" because Sogebank attempted and its leaders knew that the new "mandates" Fund grant and not from the Global Fund. But this is an to impose were their own creation, intermediaries block contact, which is exceptional case. Structurally speaking, Whether someone applying for the source of their only bureaucratic power. because the usually is told that her request can't be accommodated food stamps is afraid to ask her supervisor or is simply underpaid frontline civil servant and dejected person in on someone below, the frustrated exerting power she has no direct contact with people vested with need will never know because decision-making authority. could also account for the difference A correlate to this analysis, which and donors, involves between Sove Lavi's and Fanm Têt Ansanm's participation just national intermediaries. Greater social distance-not the number of institutional layers noted abovestatus but the difference or socioeconomic contributor thus is more likely to trigger a between a client and a financial There are at least two additional defensive, "trickle-down imperialist" response. the political process. In the intermediaries at Sove Lavi, and these involve the the beneficiaries as members are structurally ideal type of a cooperative, members have more power and the direcsame group as donors, SO in theory leadership and sometimes paid tor's power is held in check. In reality, elected abuse this power, as in do sometimes mediate contact, and sometimes staff went bankrupt when the pyramid scheme Haiti in 2004 when the cooperatives went bust. two additional defensive, "trickle-down imperialist" response. the political process. In the intermediaries at Sove Lavi, and these involve the the beneficiaries as members are structurally ideal type of a cooperative, members have more power and the direcsame group as donors, SO in theory leadership and sometimes paid tor's power is held in check. In reality, elected abuse this power, as in do sometimes mediate contact, and sometimes staff went bankrupt when the pyramid scheme Haiti in 2004 when the cooperatives went bust. --- Page 203 --- CONCLUSION Update on the NGOS have evolved sinceIstudimperialism explains how the two NGOS has Trickle-down Fanm Têt Ansanm ied them between 2003 and 2005. By most measures, second clinic, and well. In late fall 2007 they opened a been doing extremely AIDS testing. Two of the medanm-both began to offer deptauage-contidential, Women's Committee is now only a in the book-joined the staff. But the quoted its leaders proposed a series of recommendations, memory. At the end of 2007, stipends for commithad always mentioned: transportation the same ones they program, the sol for perin addition to those of the prevention tee meetings associations, and SO sonal needs such as health care, support for neighborhood with a thank-you celFanm Tèt Ansanm disbanded the group forth. In response, program ceased, with staff ebration. By summer 2009 even the AIDS-prevention " Individuals are invited the medanm, "We'll call you when we need you. staff are telling usually to pass out materials. Meanwhile to "participate" in trainings, visits in the far away from much like Sove Lavi, going to provinces, airacting very front and middle office formally merged, the industrial park. The Meanwhile the new clinic in conditioned and all wired with new computers. times not have electricitythe SONAPI-where the medanm most frequented-did: The "message" of in terms of directing resources. I visited, a sign priorities front/middle office. Following the earthposters are now off the walls of the than it had before. quake, Fanm Tèt Ansanm garnered even more support down to only two new As of summer 2009, Sove Lavi was limping along, into a dusty storThe whole of the downstairs office was transformed trainers. since all but one of the downstairs staff who worked age area for the Caravan, of upstairs staff were still Despite this, the majority during 2005 were let go. Sanitaire Mobile" (Mobil Health "Education employed. A big truck--labeled of the time, the loudspeakers locked Education)-sati in front of the office most in the Mme Versailles's picture appeared inside. Despite this clear inaction, became third-in-command at a every SO often. A former employee who all about paper "Donors are just into showbiz [chobiz]. It's government ministry said, When asked why this was, he replied, the beautiful photo [opportunity)." Even the donors. > This "Everyone has to show something to their supervisor. to buy it. He made a if the donors are gullible enough showbiz is only possible and egare (a naif), how donors' play on the Kreyol words enterè (interests) interest to remain ignorant. is intentional; it is in their naivite or ignorance orientation, after the laughter died When asked if this explains the "results" Sove Lavi's focus on appearhe intoned, "Didn't I just call this showbiz2" out, 12. The earthquake totally demolished ances thus worked, at least until January other priorities at the offices, and donors are obviously focused on her their took the opportunity to fire everyone, including moment. Mme Versailles directors, and move the office into "makout" Josue, hire two children as program her home, which was luckily undamaged. ivite or ignorance orientation, after the laughter died When asked if this explains the "results" Sove Lavi's focus on appearhe intoned, "Didn't I just call this showbiz2" out, 12. The earthquake totally demolished ances thus worked, at least until January other priorities at the offices, and donors are obviously focused on her their took the opportunity to fire everyone, including moment. Mme Versailles directors, and move the office into "makout" Josue, hire two children as program her home, which was luckily undamaged. --- Page 204 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS Other Applications The theoretical insights gained from this case Haiti might prove useful to study of two NGOSs in post-coup increasingly understanding local responses to the financial engulfing the globe. Civil service crisis responding as Sove Lavi did. The global financial intermediaries are already on public education. Local crisis has had a chilling effect governments are typically schools, and state legislatures for responsible for the K-12 ernments are public universities. Both city and state strapped for cash, a problem govdollars. My college has traditionally exacerbated by dwindling federal get a university degree attracted a student population that couldn't that anywhere else because of the comes hand in hand with educational extreme financial hardship many students come from outside the disadvantages. Compounding this, status. In other words, United States and do not have citizenship many depend on academic to low tuition. success programs in addition The threats of state budget cuts are not come they are not applied equally. being felt equally, and when they Traditionally university, including programs for under-resourced units of the diversity and ethnic including a Haitian Creole language studies departments, country-saw their classes program-one of only a handful across the classes offered slashed. For example, there were no Haitian a year following the earthquake, Creole strategic need for this despite there being a growing program. While generally done ment, there was no formula for class because of low enrollcancellations, ment chairs greater authority and granting deans and departparticularly leeway. Deals were made in private. part-time faculty, had no ability to even Faculty, which these decisions were made. question the rubric under administration, They have no direct contact with who for their part stayed out of the university sions; when pressed by some implementation discuscourageous department ups intoned, "Read the news.' " chairs, university highergrateful we Implicit in this threat is the are not victim to more coercive expectation to be whose legislature outlawed ethnic approaches, such as in Arizona, studies the programs. There was no plan administration-to say the least about the from Creole, cultural legislature-to destroy diversity, or African American studies, but Haitian proportionately felt the pinch, these programs disat along with other nonacademic retention and success for traditionally programs aimed there were no explicit directives such disadvantaged students. Although budget cuts and the hierarchical as in Arizona, conditions were set by the these cuts, and system of intermediaries to selectively faculty were powerless to respond because apply isolation and because of the overall of their structural mediaries gain context. At each step in the process, power through their conservative interity to pass their decision onto interpretation and their abilarts" education be subordinates. We recently heard that a may too expensive and that our students "liberal training. Students saw their tuition increase need vocational 25 percent over the past two years, budget cuts and the hierarchical as in Arizona, conditions were set by the these cuts, and system of intermediaries to selectively faculty were powerless to respond because apply isolation and because of the overall of their structural mediaries gain context. At each step in the process, power through their conservative interity to pass their decision onto interpretation and their abilarts" education be subordinates. We recently heard that a may too expensive and that our students "liberal training. Students saw their tuition increase need vocational 25 percent over the past two years, --- Page 205 --- CONCLUSION was the only option for higher for whom our college edging out the very people Wachovia and AIG received millions in education. Meanwhile, executives from doing even better than parachutes from the federal bailout package, golden before the October 2008 meltdown. Concluding Reflections imperialism begins at discussed in the previous chapter, this trickle-down As defensive posture to "jittery members of the top, with USAID maintaining a voters' concern about too much Congress, >) who themselves are worried about continues to point Research being directed to foreign development. tax money citizens that the U.S. government should supout a consensus position among over half of U.S. households development. Voting with their paychecks, on foreign port Haiti's earthquake. USAID's focus contributed to an NGO following of a mandate; data act of that is an assertion policy also is an interpretation humanitarian than foreign policy goals. show that U.S. citizens care more about is thus a prime example contracting The policy of results- or performance-basede demonstrates, when this policy imperialism. As this book of this trickle-down an otherwise good idea, communicated. down the system of intermediaries, and hence gets and erode NGOs' autonomy, it can cut off local participation America (2008) has called a "control aid becomes less effective, what Oxfam combated, and more is not being as effectively paradox." " As a result, HIV/AIDS continue to die, like Gabrielle. people will needlessly and of preventable diseases, and are That people are dying of starvation remains, is this trickledenied education, is not debatable. The question had being A former USAID mission director down imperialism an act of kindness? there? The goal words: "So why do we continue to pour our money these parting we've done all we can for Haiti.' And nothing is to spend it all and say, 'See, > So the vicious cycle of bad happens. And it's because of U.S. domestic politics." investors. Does this adding to the stigma and fear, which scares press continues, need to continue? system of trickle-down imperialism Yvette offers an answer: American people that they should rise up and tell Iwould like to tell the countries. If the American their government to stop destroying small small countries the revolted and told their government to give I people could listen. Because chance to live, maybe [the U.S. government] know what is happening Americans who do not believe there are many is doing who do not know what the American government in the world, media. Because I know that many Americans in the world, because of the them send money. This aid, this have good hearts. This is what makes generosity, is good. --- Page 206 --- Afterword Some Policy Solutions The solution begins with me. -Danielle, Sove Lavi CAC leader Since: 2003, I have engaged in many conversations about the system of foreign aid and NGOS with colleagues, NGO professionals, students, and ti pèp. Below are a series of recommendations stemming from these conversations for ending this killing with kindness, once and for all. Following the structure of the book, these begin at the grassroots and move up the various constituencies within the civic infrastructure analysis. For the Grassroots: "Bay têt nou vale" Danielle, Djoni, and Maxime learned from their experience at Sove Lavi. elle, Sove Lavi CAC leader Since: 2003, I have engaged in many conversations about the system of foreign aid and NGOS with colleagues, NGO professionals, students, and ti pèp. Below are a series of recommendations stemming from these conversations for ending this killing with kindness, once and for all. Following the structure of the book, these begin at the grassroots and move up the various constituencies within the civic infrastructure analysis. For the Grassroots: "Bay têt nou vale" Danielle, Djoni, and Maxime learned from their experience at Sove Lavi. Maxon brought up the idea that grassroots groups should "recognize our own selfworth" or "value ourselves"-bay têt nou vale. True, grassroots groups like theirs benefit from èd (NGO aid). But equally important, NGOs need local leaders such as themselves. Without grassroots groups, Sove Lavi and other NGOS would not be able to accomplish their work. Knowing this fact, local leaders can negotiate with outside NGOS on a more equal footing. Djoni added, "We should have asked Sove Lavi what they really wanted, who their donors were, and what exactly they wanted from us. " Danielle was succinct: "We need them, they need us. 99 How can grassroots groups level the relationship with NGOS and donors? The CAC leader Marie-Ange was passionate in her response, from her experience with another NGO: "Father Vital showed us that rather than extend a hand in begging, we should show the donor what we can do on our own: look at the load on the ground. Let's lift it up on our own and set it on our knees. After it's already on our knees, we can show the donor. We can ask, it's already on our knees, please lend a hand to help us lift it on top of our heads. Neighborhood groups, peasants' associations, women's clubs, and cooperatives do have the --- Page 207 --- AFTERWORD their knees. Simone discussed her women's ability to lift their burdens up to If we're 50 people, that is "Every time we meet, everyone gives 5 goud. we can rush to group: available for when one of us is sick, SO 250 goud. This money is in Gwomon (Gros-Morne) built the hospital with her." A peasants' association Despite persistent school with no outside support. a road and community was smoldering with the stereotypes about the capital, even when Potoprens groups all over between 2003 and 2006, grassroots violence and kidnapping in small, sustainable neighborhoods) were engaged katye popilè (low-income repair. They would have a bucket activities such as trash cleanup and pothole One federation of neighto contribute what they could. and ask passersby in their communities without any borhood groups even opened free schools outside assistance at the start. For NGOS: "Vize anba" discussion, NGOS should provide more space for As should be obvious from this phases of a project. In other genuine participation, and do SO during more could have used their data should focus below, vize anba. Sove Lavi words, NGOS showing that more time to plan entails collected from CACS and the symposium stood firm with USAID and the successful outcomes. They could have more trips to the provinces. They could have Global Fund to demand they fund longer by the local ceninitiatives like the Kanaval activities planned argued that local and they could have either planned ter are both more effective and efficient, their work plans, or they could ahead by sharing the responsibility to draft be waiting for reima slush fund SO that they wouldn't always have planned Fund started to predominate, Fanm Têt bursement. At least until the Global because they had multiple Ansanm was able to offer more grassroots support need to respect us, as bottom-lined it, "They sources of funding. to demand they fund longer by the local ceninitiatives like the Kanaval activities planned argued that local and they could have either planned ter are both more effective and efficient, their work plans, or they could ahead by sharing the responsibility to draft be waiting for reima slush fund SO that they wouldn't always have planned Fund started to predominate, Fanm Têt bursement. At least until the Global because they had multiple Ansanm was able to offer more grassroots support need to respect us, as bottom-lined it, "They sources of funding. As Maxime for a big thing. All we're asking equals." > Recall Djoni's plea: "We're not asking for is mutual respect." interest and ability to support local Still better would be if NGOS had the their vision of priorities. initiatives-to have local partners who actually share associations for the stands, Sove Lavi takes preexisting groups, peasants' As it The system would be more effective if most part, and imposes its own priorities. sought Sove defined HIV prevention as a priority local groups who had already two things: a reorientation in Lavi out for its technical support. . All we're asking equals." > Recall Djoni's plea: "We're not asking for is mutual respect." interest and ability to support local Still better would be if NGOS had the their vision of priorities. initiatives-to have local partners who actually share associations for the stands, Sove Lavi takes preexisting groups, peasants' As it The system would be more effective if most part, and imposes its own priorities. sought Sove defined HIV prevention as a priority local groups who had already two things: a reorientation in Lavi out for its technical support. This requires Information with communities, and more transparency. NGOS' relationship available to the public, SO and projects is not generally about NGOS' strategies Like anthropologists, NGOS are local communities just take what they can get. constructed by reflexive audiences for people's istwa, their stories will gear particular in this case receipt of èd. So people people for a particular purpose, of what the Haitian anthropologist their needs to those of the NGOS. This is part --- Page 208 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS economy.' > NGOS-and not just (2008) calls "reflexive political Gina Ulysse especially to the people they and transparent, states-need to be accountable and Danielle, NGOS need to meant to serve. To CAC members like Djoni are and intervention domain pubmake their activities, geographical area served, associations to propose particular lic, which is a first step to inviting peasants' where the vast majority the of the radio in a country projects. Given importance NGOS should consider using of people do not have reliable access to electricity, instead of just using it to the word about their priorities, this medium to spread least, the Haitian government wrote, advertise an imminent event. At the very organizations to that NGOS and donors stop using peasants' "It is imperative their (Ministè Agrikilti 2000:21). justify what they want to do Or justify projects" local communities and Versailles' words, they should also "be open" to In Mme their priorities. would be to regularly share their information Another concrete suggestion their activities and priorities. UCAONG with the Haitian government, to publish Haiti's NGO regulatory agency) des ONG, (Unité de Contrôle et d'Administration in Haiti share such information staff estimated that only IO-20 percent of NGOS do SO. If a U.S. charity Haitian law that requires them all to regularly, despite status. Why they would even failed to do this, they would lose their tax-exempt feelings of superiority, country can be explained only by attempt this in a foreign to Bill Clinton, who does not contempt, or the habitus of imperialism. According there are ten thousand NGOS share the Haitian government's narrow definition, with community associaworking in Haiti, conflating large international NGOS or SO were offinumber has become sacrosanct. Only four hundred tions. This Since then, Clinton's office has published a cially registered before the quake. which is definitely a step in the right website to help coordinatel NGOs'activities' (and time) of NGO staff to input the direction, but it still relies on the willingness and choice of local partners, information. Despite this, the data about strategies find. and their budgets, remain very difficult to sources of funding, Haiti's Government: Steer, Not Row For have called for decentralization, for Haiti's government Several people in Haiti funds to the local level through the local initiatives, to release more to empower Communales, akin to city councils for the lowest ASEC (Assemblés des Sections d'Administration de Section Section) and CASEC (Conseils level, the Communal (the local, elected community governCommunale, a team of three mayors) through NGOS and not the structure). Nearly all donor funding goes ment filter to the government--at least a porgovernment. But what little that does where officials be most effectively used by local governments, tion thereof-might and could be chalcontact with citizens and grassroots groups are in regular and quickly, a function of what political lenged if funds are not spent correctly és des Sections d'Administration de Section Section) and CASEC (Conseils level, the Communal (the local, elected community governCommunale, a team of three mayors) through NGOS and not the structure). Nearly all donor funding goes ment filter to the government--at least a porgovernment. But what little that does where officials be most effectively used by local governments, tion thereof-might and could be chalcontact with citizens and grassroots groups are in regular and quickly, a function of what political lenged if funds are not spent correctly --- Page 209 --- AFTERWORD social control. In fact, several Sove Lavi CAC anthropologists call informal official told me, local office. A high-ranking Préval government leaders ran for and we don't need all the money to come "We don't need to control everything, and need to be able to steer." to us. But we are the elected government approach from the governThat would require a more active, hands-on Haitian of NGOS have concluded that the government ment. Many studies the framework for collaboration should be establishing priorities and creating (e.g, ARS Progretti 2005; between NGOS, the government, and local populations Paul Farmer Mathurin et al. 1989; Morton 1997). Étienne 1997; Mangonès 1991; of such a government-led Rwanda as an example (2011a) offers post-genocide is the CCI process described framework. An example of how not to collaborate The World Bank's (see Schuller [2008] for further discussion). in chapter 5 (2008) offered a little more space for Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP) roundtables. But as this discussion, including sectoral as well as geographic involves debate, is much more than consent: it book has argued, participation Haitian trends of social exclusion that prioritization, and particular attention to Haiti's poor majority. directly countered will continue to marginalize if not is mentioned as a priority for the Haitian Time and again, national production in the vaguest terms. The yet the PRSP did not mention this except dismisses government, making a pretense of local participation, Collier report (2009), not even plan fully expose the The earthquake and the reconstruction this strategy. I of funds are going through impotence, as only percent Haitian government's Haiti's Parliament has been replaced the state. Overseeing the reconstruction, Reconstruction Commission. committee, the Interim Haitian by an appointed Assessment (PDNA)-was even openly Post-Disaster Needs The plan-the for donors, and not arising from acknowledged by the government to be a show any participatory process. and Other Donors: Accompany, Not Dictate For USAID the world, USAID has a key role to play in As the major donor in Haiti and across the U.S. State Department, with solution. Given the changing of the guard at reform aid, any Clinton having made promises to President Obama and Secretary of opportunity that Haiti's earthquake, there's a window particularly following The ONE campaign argues that Northern we need to crack all the way open. contribute I percent of its gross countrics-including the United States-should aid.2 The United (GNI) toward development and humanitarian national income contributing 0.16 percent in 2007.3 States lags far behind other OECD countries, crisis world, many given the current mood in the post-financial Especially the Tea Party but also many of my low-income, Americans-including not only our efforts "at home." students-feel that we should be focusing there was immigrant now more than ever. If ever USAID needs us, a strong "constituency," ountrics-including the United States-should aid.2 The United (GNI) toward development and humanitarian national income contributing 0.16 percent in 2007.3 States lags far behind other OECD countries, crisis world, many given the current mood in the post-financial Especially the Tea Party but also many of my low-income, Americans-including not only our efforts "at home." students-feel that we should be focusing there was immigrant now more than ever. If ever USAID needs us, a strong "constituency," --- Page 210 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS it is now. By and large, Haitian people aren't a time of hope for real change, effective distribution of asking for more aid, they're asking for an equitable, they're also asking aid. In order to insure an equitable distribution, the existing how this aid is delivered and used. for a say in USAID policy and implementation Below is a list of suggestions to improve and not all changes can be Obviously the situation will evolve, in this spirit. or take action on this book's website, pressed at once. Readers can see updates Mpiveaseremuteee and be given autonUSAID should be removed from the State Department not 1. policies and priorities that are omy from the institution to develop the foreign policy goals. This would reverse January2006 based on current USAID does not even have a separate reorganization of foreign aid, whereby countries shield overseas available to citizens for review. Other budget interests; for example, the United Kingdom development from foreign policy ministry for international development. has a separate believe that we should be focusing on 2. Almost twice as many Americans toward countries based on current greatest need instead of directing funds funding based on interests.5 Therefore, USAID should prioritize security the universally accepted Millennium need, defined in terms of ability to meet Goals or the UN's Human Development Index. Development include space for true local partici3. USAID should require NGOS to always process than simply implementation. pation, in more steps of the project and organized within grassroots organizations Specifically, local groups able to deliberate on problem identibodies need to be local governmental planning, follow-through, and fication, prioritization, conceptualization, table (table 2.1) could evaluation. A modified version of the "participation" plan in contracts. be a guide. We could require a local participation NGOS to coordiUSAID can shift the reward structure to require 4. Similarly, collaborate with the elected governments. nate with one another and supporting governapproach, USAID could assume a performance-based and sanitation. USAID offices that are functioning, such as water ment government agencies to help them fulcould also pay a "tax" to supervisory fill their roles in coordinating private NGO actions. Small Grants and sufficiently fund its suspended 5. USAID should reopen local, grassroots groups to address Program that funded start-up, smaller, should revive and fully needs. Alternatively, Congress critical, emerging Inter-American Foundation, SO that the fund the more grassroots-oriented small grants actually have an effect. another, and can shift over 6. Since local realities are different from one directives of USAID should suspend the use of*earmarks." top-down time, reconstruction called should be spent, since the earthquake how funds fill their roles in coordinating private NGO actions. Small Grants and sufficiently fund its suspended 5. USAID should reopen local, grassroots groups to address Program that funded start-up, smaller, should revive and fully needs. Alternatively, Congress critical, emerging Inter-American Foundation, SO that the fund the more grassroots-oriented small grants actually have an effect. another, and can shift over 6. Since local realities are different from one directives of USAID should suspend the use of*earmarks." top-down time, reconstruction called should be spent, since the earthquake how funds --- Page 211 --- AFTERWORD best how to implement agreed-on "preferencing." > Local people know of what works, what doesn't, and why. programs, cognizant USAID funds return to the United States. 7. Untie aid. Currently 93 percent of around if Haiti is out of poverty, There should be enough common good to go United States. democratic, without funds going back to the safe, peaceful, and (Sen 1999), and as such we should In sum, people have a right to development NYU School of Law et al. to development (e.g., have a rights-based approach how badly we need this framework 2008). Haiti's earthquake highlights just framework of national interest is too narrow. Especially of human rights. The framework would be more given that Haiti is a good case for it, a reparations The of the in the sky? I don't think SO. experience appropriate. Is this just pie structural reforms are not just possible, George W. Bush years shows that radical vision and the political took place. What is required is a clear but they actually will, from every level within USAID. within USAID and other developI know there are many people who work drift of their employers, who institutions who are critical of the rightward ment local within develof genuine participation understand the critical importance of using aid as a tool in a geopolitical opment efforts, who share a repugnance and in Europe. To these several such people in Washington game. I interviewed Disrupt trickle-down imperialism individuals I say, Now is the time to speak up. it safe. Don't lose convictions rather than playing by your courage to stick to your up the food chain. critical perspective as you get closer to power, higher your For Citizens: Occupy Government closer to a solution for Haiti and elsewhere. But they These changes will get us themselves will go nowhere withwill only take us SO far, and these suggestions in Egypt that erupted in active citizen pressure. The citizen mobilization out government showed the world January2on1 and toppled a thirty-year strongman world. Police in Wisconsin joined demonstration can change the that peaceful in response to draconian reforms the protestors in shutting down the Capitol abilities. A group of all public unions of their collective bargaining Park near stripping movement when they occupied Zuccotti protesters triggered a global like others, believes that if Americans Wall Street in September 201I. Yvette, countries like Haiti, we would was doing to small knew what our government while the documentary change. Having toured the country presenting demand are not aware of what's hapPoto Mitan, I have to say I agree that people simply involved. In a short who become aware decide to become pening, and many people to receive our action alerts. As Yvette time, more than 1,800 people signed up lack of knowledge coming above, the goes deeper, with a general noted problem that, not only for Haiti but also for ourselves. from our media. We need to change our government while the documentary change. Having toured the country presenting demand are not aware of what's hapPoto Mitan, I have to say I agree that people simply involved. In a short who become aware decide to become pening, and many people to receive our action alerts. As Yvette time, more than 1,800 people signed up lack of knowledge coming above, the goes deeper, with a general noted problem that, not only for Haiti but also for ourselves. from our media. We need to change --- Page 212 --- KILLING WITH KINDNESS forced to endure a 25 percent increase in Why should students who were one and sometimes tuition over the past two years, all the while working their remittances overseas, or people facing two jobs to raise their families and send about Haiti? Why should rate, care furloughs and a IO percent unemployment tax resources to international we in the United States be sending our dwindling Lisette, and Charlene are real aid? First, Grann, Gabrielle, Simone, life. development have a right to the chance for a decent people. As human beings, they than Haiti: if the said, the stakes are higher Second, as Paul Collier (2009:4) it's hard to imagine where else it international aid system doesn't work in Haiti, of internathe weaknesses in the system could. The earthquake is exposing and the mainstream media are tional aid. Since the quake, the general public about NGOS in a more realistic, critical light. thinking and talking neoliberal policies that destroyed Third, we are in the same boat. These same in the global finanbeginning to be critiqued as the major culprits Haiti are just in the coal mine, an early warning cial crisis, and rightly SO. Haiti is a canary crisis has finally hit us here in pay attention to. The financial system we should communities were hit first and the United States. Unsurprisingly, marginalized for African Americans as of unemployment is over 15 percent most dramatically; Black men in New York City November 20II, almost twice the national average. attention, the signs For those who were paying face 50 percent unemployment. behind the global financial crisis, to be read. In addition to being were there within nations has increased in addition to over the past thirty years inequality For example, according to between nations, also a direct result of neoliberalism. executive Project (2008), in 1980 the average the American Human Development worker. By 2007 this gap had forty-two times the salary as the average earned to the International Labor Organization increased more than tenfold: according times the salary of the CEOS of the fifteen largest companies earned 520 (2008), worker, from 360 times just four years prior. the average up To Everyone: "Kenbe, fem" bad. But we need to We all need to kenbe, fem, hold strong. Things are definitely human beings. The organized, and know what we are worth as stay focused, should we change, or even what needs to change? question isn't, or shouldn't be, to do about it? What am I, The question is, what are we as a humanity going to bring about this change? what are you, doing if we that we are all in another world is possible. But only recognize Truly, in with one another. this together and we act solidarity timachann, offers these parting Marie, a former factory worker and current Haiti, the best way you can words for readers: Before you can talk about helping help us in Haiti is to bring back democracy to Washington." --- Page 213 --- NOTES FOREWORD I. For more on accompaniment, see Farmer 201Ia; 201Ib. 2. The literature on foreign aid, what Philip Gourevitch has termed the "groaning bookshelf" is rueful but well worth plumbing. See especially Gourevitch 201O; Mbakwem and Smith 2009; Polman 2010; Schwartz 2008; and Terry 2002. INTRODUCTION I. In an effort to protect people's identity, I have changed names and if necessary omitted identifying information. Page 213 --- NOTES FOREWORD I. For more on accompaniment, see Farmer 201Ia; 201Ib. 2. The literature on foreign aid, what Philip Gourevitch has termed the "groaning bookshelf" is rueful but well worth plumbing. See especially Gourevitch 201O; Mbakwem and Smith 2009; Polman 2010; Schwartz 2008; and Terry 2002. INTRODUCTION I. In an effort to protect people's identity, I have changed names and if necessary omitted identifying information. 2. Boutiques are storefronts where people sold out of their homes, with doors that could lock. 3. In this book I will refer to place names using Kreyôl, the first language of all Haitians and the only language of the poor majority. Despite this, and despite the fact that it is an official language, it remains marginalized, a way to exclude Haiti's poor. 4. Notice the use of French, not Kreyôl, to signify that French was still the predominant language of the state. 5. In addition to all these establishments in Petyonvil, Haiti's wealthy and middle classes frequented these businesses. 6. Haiti is second only to Namibia in terms of income inequality (Jadotte 2006). 7. Most of my middle-class neighbors worked at either an NGO or at a branch of a government, but there were a couple of doctors, and a Dominican family whose business in Haiti eluded everyone I asked. 8. Restavèk children are indentured live-in servants. See Cadet's (1998) study for a detailed firsthand account. 9. Several people in Haiti would take issue with this ideological use of "the people" in the singular, erasing important social divisions. Nonetheless, it is the term that "the people" in my neighborhood used to describe themselves. IO. The government's estimate rose to 316,000 at the one-year anniversary. The USAID contractor Tim Schwartz estimated between 46,000 and 85,000 in an unpublished report in May 20II. Small Arms Survey estimated 158,000 (Muggah and Kolbe 201I). II. A March 20II report by NYU's Center for Global Justice and Human Rights documented a rise in transactional sex, whereby women agreed to have sex in order to gain access to food and other necessities. --- Page 214 --- NOTES TO PAGES 7-21 12. For a fuller discussion of the issue of debt, consult Gaillard-Pourchet (2002), Schuller (2006a), and Weisbrot and Sandoval (2007). 13. "Global South" is coming to replace the term "third world" within some activist circles because of the latter's implicit hierarchy. 14. Like the individuals, I am concealing the name of the groups, since they are still active. The point is not to destroy their reputations or pull their funding, but to explain the processes that constrain NGO action. 15. "Blan" is Kreyol for not only "white" but also "white person" and "foreigner"- solidifying the ideology that Haitian people are "black." See Schuller (201oa) for further discussion. 16. Readers are invited to read a more explicit methodological discussion in chapter 2 of my dissertation (Schuller 2007b). 17. I argue for grant aid as opposed to loan aid through banks like the World Bank and the Inter-American Development Bank, which poor countries have to pay back and which rack up debt. CHAPTER 1 VIOLENCE AND VENEREAL DISEASE I. Radyo Ginenis a local radio station, derided by some members of Haiti's upper classes as "Radio Lavalas,' referring to the party of President Aristide, because it was the only one to give Lavalas activists-and poor people generally-the microphone. 2. Kafou Ayewopô is one of the main corners, the intersection of a busy street that connects downtown to Petyonvil, and the road to the airport. 3. This is a common story. There is an apparently growing nostalgia for the former president Jean-Claude Duvalier, because then, "at least you knew who the enemies were." " This was also before neoliberal economic policies destroyed the economy. avalas,' referring to the party of President Aristide, because it was the only one to give Lavalas activists-and poor people generally-the microphone. 2. Kafou Ayewopô is one of the main corners, the intersection of a busy street that connects downtown to Petyonvil, and the road to the airport. 3. This is a common story. There is an apparently growing nostalgia for the former president Jean-Claude Duvalier, because then, "at least you knew who the enemies were." " This was also before neoliberal economic policies destroyed the economy. 4. That is, this journey from Potoprens to Tèryewouj took twelve hours until the road was rebuilt in 2007. 5. Jonette herself died in a car crash in Miami a year later. 6. For an anthropological account of this, see Harrison's (2008) book. 7. In a database I constructed of stories posted online about Haiti, I logged 422 stories in February and 226 stories in March until the Boca Raton resident and UN retiree Gérard Latortue was selected as prime minister on the ninth, followed by 47 the rest of that month and 92 for the next three months combined. 8. Only IO percent of Haiti's people are fluent and literate in French. 9. Nonetheless, three years later France declared as groundless Aristide's request for reparations for this 1825 debt. IO. Often translated as "bogeymen," tonton makout literally means "Uncle Knapsack"- from the Haitian folklore about the bogeyman taking children away in the middle of the night to put in his knapsack. II. People in Haiti understand this in racialized terms, because black Haitian pigs were replaced by pink U.S. pigs. 8. Only IO percent of Haiti's people are fluent and literate in French. 9. Nonetheless, three years later France declared as groundless Aristide's request for reparations for this 1825 debt. IO. Often translated as "bogeymen," tonton makout literally means "Uncle Knapsack"- from the Haitian folklore about the bogeyman taking children away in the middle of the night to put in his knapsack. II. People in Haiti understand this in racialized terms, because black Haitian pigs were replaced by pink U.S. pigs. 12. The University of Chicago Economics Department under Milton Freidman trained an entire generation of foreign economists, particularly in the Americas, to promote neoliberalism, a purer form of free market capitalism than the Keynesian/New Deal version it replaced (Harvey 2005; Klein 2007). --- Page 215 --- NOTES TO PAGES 22-29 13. Calling the events of 2004 a "coup" is my interpretation. Many call it a "resignation" because truth in fact Aristide signed his name on the dotted line. Roxanne, an unemployed factory worker, qualified that it "wasn't a coup d'état. During the first coup d'état [against Aristide] it wasn't like that. They went inside the palace and took him and put him in an airplane. The second time they went to his private house and pulled a gun on him. That's not a coup but disorder." 14. Haiti's imports were at $1.022 billion and exports at $479 million (World Bank 2002b). 15. These austerity measures included the imposition of user fees for education and health care, and the cutting of social expenditures from 3 to 2 percent of Haiti's GDP. 16. The Boulos received U.S. funding through both the USAID health partner Centres de Développement et de Santé (CDS) and the Haitian Chamber of Commerce. 17. The Group of 184 was SO named because ostensibly 184 members were part of this coalition, though official membership in the group remains opaque. 18. The leadership of the Group of 184, as represented when negotiating with the Organization of American States and the Caribbean Community, did not include such groups. 19. The Channmas is the national heroes' plaza surrounding the National Palace, akin to the Mall in Washington. 20. Brazil was also angling for a permanent seat on the UN Security Council at the time. 21. This study has been challenged because of its methodology, but it is the only serious attempt at quantifying the terror in Pôtoprens. 22. The concept of the "Haitian dollar"-one dollar per five goud, Haiti's official currency-arose because the exchange rate was fixed (until Delatour floated the currency, as noted above). 23. At the time of my fieldwork, the value of the goud (gourd) fluctuated around forty goud per U.S. dollar. 24. Elite families continued to be spared until much later, when the wave was supposedly over (Ledan 2009). 25. On one occasion in August 2006, deportees never even reached prison as they were supposed to have. 26. In Haiti, lamizè refers to the poorest poverty, and malerelmalerèz to the poorest people, distinguishing it from mere poverty (povrete), and poor people (pov). 27. This istwa contrasts with that of rural women, who have traditionally been granted some control of financial resources within the family, largely owing to their role in the market (Mintz 2010:125). 28. In Kreyol there is no word ending that turns singular nouns into plural, save the addition of the word yo. In keeping with the integrity of the Kreyôl, I am not distinguishing the singular from the plural form. There have been other attempts to correct this (e.g., Smith 2001), but journal editors have called this pretentious and demanded another solution. This departure of Kreyol norms from those of English happens in only a couple of cases, SO Iapologize for the confusion. 29. Latortue's intervention was similar to that effected in Operation Bootstrap in Puerto Rico, where Latortue also worked. word ending that turns singular nouns into plural, save the addition of the word yo. In keeping with the integrity of the Kreyôl, I am not distinguishing the singular from the plural form. There have been other attempts to correct this (e.g., Smith 2001), but journal editors have called this pretentious and demanded another solution. This departure of Kreyol norms from those of English happens in only a couple of cases, SO Iapologize for the confusion. 29. Latortue's intervention was similar to that effected in Operation Bootstrap in Puerto Rico, where Latortue also worked. --- Page 216 --- 19 8 NOTES TO PAGES 29-50 30. Both houses of Parliament unanimously adopted a 200-goud ($5.00) minimum wage. Following pressure from Clinton, Préval rejected this and offered instead 125 goud ($3.12), with no constitutional backing. 31. The annual growth in the Consumer Price Index in 2003 was 39.3 percent (IHSI 2008b). 32. At that time, "Miami rice"-imported from the United States-sold for fifty goud. 33. And the original fares were themselves much higher than in the 1980s and 1990S. 34. This is most likely in "Haitian dollars," SO multiply this by five to get Haitian goud. Given how quickly the goud lost its exchange value to the dollar, and my ignorance of when these figures were from, Ido not offer U.S. dollar equivalents here. 35. According to people I have interviewed, rents even went up in more violence-prone areas, such as Kafou Fey and Kafou Ayewopô. 36. Ihave been told that some renters have an arrangement whereby they receive the title to the land after a period of ten years, but I did not know of a single person for whom this situation worked out. 37. This migration was itself caused by a complex array of push-and-pull factors, neoliberal policies pushed by international agencies and consented to by Jean-Claude Duvalier (DeWind and Kinley 1988; Maternowska 2006). 38. Many children do not, especially those living in the provinces. In addition, there is a legal category called "natural children, 1 whereby the father is not recognized and responsible. Edele, a feminist-humanist activist, decries this practice as discriminatory. The Ministry of Women's Condition and Rights changed this law in 2006. 39. According to the anthropologist Jennie Smith-Pariola (personal communication), this practice of nicknaming may have been an African holdover, and in rural Haiti, at least until recently, ceremonies following birth were common--though not elaborate or formal. 40. This gendered activity was not an individual occurrence. in my neighborhood; I noticed this after my colleague Mercedes Pichard made a similar observation about the neighborhood where she stayed (personal communication). 4I. I sincerely apologize that more recent statistics have not been made available, in part because the Ministry of Women's Condition and Rightshas been underfunded and therefore unable to conduct research. 42. According to Jennie Smith-Pariola, the same is true in rural markets: high-ticket items that men sell include meat and kleren (moonshine). 43. People who can't buy a plate of food often eat plentiful sugarcane to fill their stomachs, thereby causing widespread diabetes. CHAPTER 2 "THAT'S NOT PARTICIPATIONI" I. In 2000 the national contraceptive acceptance prevalence rate was 28.1 percent (Pan American Health Organization 2005). 2. This situation changed as of July 2009, when two, sometimes three, trainings were held at the same time. 3. I use this phrase instead of the other commonly used phrase, andeyô (literally "outside"; see Smith 2001), to refer to "not Potoprens" because I have found it to be the least confusing to non-Haitian readers. diabetes. CHAPTER 2 "THAT'S NOT PARTICIPATIONI" I. In 2000 the national contraceptive acceptance prevalence rate was 28.1 percent (Pan American Health Organization 2005). 2. This situation changed as of July 2009, when two, sometimes three, trainings were held at the same time. 3. I use this phrase instead of the other commonly used phrase, andeyô (literally "outside"; see Smith 2001), to refer to "not Potoprens" because I have found it to be the least confusing to non-Haitian readers. --- Page 217 --- NOTES TO PAGES 50-61 used the English word for it-difficult for 4. I put this word in quotes because people "ow" sound in the language-sugesting Kreyol speakers to pronounce as there is no donors. it was a term imposed by subjects in my research protocol. because I did not include underage 5. This was in part about intimate matters, my But even had I attempted to sit in on conversations frankness. would have had a profound effect on people's of presence onto the hard drives, and the ever-present chiming 6. Given the spyware downloaded not turn out as originally planned. Yahoo! Messenger, computer use did information to the government, registered NGOS who gave this 7. Of the 291 officially (Pôtoprens and its suburbs), whereas 258 are headquartered in the zone métropolitaine services in the capital. only 45 of the NGOS said they provide calls are free, but not outgoing calls. 8. Incoming divides the territory into 565 communal sections, 9. The 1987 Haitian Constitution people introduced themselves by first the smallest units of local governance. Many and the number of their communal giving their name, the name of their hamlet, section. aid I know from Fanm Têt in the previous chapter, only one recipient IO. As mentioned Ansanm owns her housing. For treated water, the cost is higher. Only II. This is the price for untreated public water. fifth (20.7 percent) visit a public of Haitian households have a tap-a 8.7 percent buy their water (IHSI 2003). fountain, and a fifth (19.4 percent) for their schooling. Eighty People in Haiti have to pay 12. As noted in the prior chapter, schools, and public school children have to percent of schoolchildren go to private supply their own books and uniforms. beans and rice are procured. finances, I don't know how the 13. Given her meager but a merchant class, rendering Marxist Haiti did not have a bourgeoisie are by inter14. Traditionally addition, since 80 percent of Haiti's people "poor" analytics difficult. In distinctions like kouch sosyal-what Weber national standards, culturally meaningful useful. (1946) would call "subjective" status categories-are the formal, polite form of the word blan. 15. Etranjeis NGOS to get the word out about an upcoming 16. Motivasyon is the term most used by organizing most resembling it meeting or event. The term in U.S.-based community would be "outreach." like drivers or janitors, many of whom 17. The fact that the ti pèsonnèl ("small personnel" who serve refreshments deserves former factory workers) tend to be the ones she were worker who attends her first celebration, some attention. But to the factory dressed up in formal business attire or cannot tell the difference, as everyone is either in a Fanm Têt Ansanm T-shirt. about local cultural meanings of capital18. This follows Daniel Miller's (1997) argument for local expression while proliferating, providing space ism and consumption process. integrating the local into the transnational school than in the cities. even fewer people attend high 19. In the Haitian provinces, diem, yet they also ate a lunch. 20. Sove Lavi's paid staff also received a per sample for rural schools. 21. Ido not have a large enough introduction that saluted all other nota22. All the speeches began with a several-minutei colleagues and all workshop audience and ended with "my distinguished bles in the argument for local expression while proliferating, providing space ism and consumption process. integrating the local into the transnational school than in the cities. even fewer people attend high 19. In the Haitian provinces, diem, yet they also ate a lunch. 20. Sove Lavi's paid staff also received a per sample for rural schools. 21. Ido not have a large enough introduction that saluted all other nota22. All the speeches began with a several-minutei colleagues and all workshop audience and ended with "my distinguished bles in the --- Page 218 --- NOTES TO PAGES 62-86 participants. " Two such introductions lasted as long as the time slot that was allocated for those individuals. I was told several times that these formalities were of "part Haitian culture. 23. This is a variation on a theme that Rossi (2006) discussed, whereby NGO recipients creatively reinterpret and appropriate official developmentalist language. 24. He actually wanted his real name used, but using it would identify other people in the CAC and the organization. 25. Albeit as individuals, as OFATMA did not maintain a proactive stance to protect future workers from this same problem past this initial period of embarrassment. CHAPTER 3 ALL IN THE FAMILY I. Previously, the airport was named for François Duvalier, who had it built in 1965. The road was named after the Ethiopian emperor Halle Selassie I. Aristide had made other gestures to the revolutionary hero, building a memorial to his constitution and installing Toussaint's likeness in the Hall of the Heads of State in the National Palace. 2. Reflecting the tap-tap's cramped quarters, a common joke is, "How many people can fit in a tap-tap? One more." 3. I use the ethnographic present in this day-in-the life portrait, in contrast to the "crisis, " which is already "history" (Maternowska 2006:18). 4. Often, local circuits are damaged by rain, fire, or political or gang violence. Given the government's finances, repairs can take a long time (days, weeks, even months). Most people of a certain means or cultural capital have cell phones, themselves dependent on whether the towers are in working order and have full electricity. 5. Twipe is the sound of sucking in the teeth to express annoyance, considered impolite but nonetheless a mainstay in social interactions, particularly between people from different status groups. 6. Electricity provision varied wildly during the twenty-month fieldwork period. Sometimes Pôtoprens endured several days on end without any electricity at all (the longest drought was eight days). Very occasionally, especially during important events such as the World Cup, the electricity was on all day. Most often, the city was divided into five different zones, each with a different ration of electricity. The zone where I lived also included other middle-class areas such as Delma and Kanape-Vèt; we averaged between six and eight hours of electricity per day, far greater than other zones. 7. This form of greeting was one of the customs of the French bourgeoisie that people in Haiti kept and passed down. An employee explained that they kept the "best" of French culture for isn't it pleasant to do so? 8. All the phones can receive incoming calls, much like the cell phone plans that charge the user for placing but not receiving calls. 9. Ironwork is one of Haiti's relatively hidden artistic treasures, whereby artists hammer out used oil drums and carve intricate designs. IO. There was one person who was very shy; she was the only one whom I did not interview. II. The clinic often ran out of condoms, and sometimes it could take up to two months to get more. down. An employee explained that they kept the "best" of French culture for isn't it pleasant to do so? 8. All the phones can receive incoming calls, much like the cell phone plans that charge the user for placing but not receiving calls. 9. Ironwork is one of Haiti's relatively hidden artistic treasures, whereby artists hammer out used oil drums and carve intricate designs. IO. There was one person who was very shy; she was the only one whom I did not interview. II. The clinic often ran out of condoms, and sometimes it could take up to two months to get more. --- Page 219 --- NOTES TO PAGES 90-105 12. Like Clifford Geertz's (1973:7) "burlesque" wink, often "Madame" was mockingly used when subordinates were talking among themselves, especially when criticizing one particular individual's autocratic leadership style or differing political beliefs. 13. It should be noted women held several posts in the interim government. Anne-Marie Issa, owner of Signal FM, represented the business class in the Council of the Wise, which ostensibly served the role as executive council, overseeing the interim process. The industrialist sector was represented in the interim government by Danielle St. Lot as the minister of commerce and industry, and Josette Bijou was minister of public health. 14. This stated desire for foreign aid could also potentially be a reflection of their estimation of me and my purpose--as a (potential) donor for Fanm Têt Ansanm. 15. These garments are called "rad Kenedi" because the first major shipments of used clothes that did not sell at U.S. thrift storescoincided with President John F. Kennedy's founding of USAIDin 1961. 16. There were at least fifteen memos-all in French-posted by the administration during my field research at Sove Lavi. 17. Many of these staff people were replaced in the middle of my fieldwork, SO I can't even use a pseudonym. 18. The offices were rearranged in 2005, following a first round of staff cuts. 19. In late 2005, when five top-level employees and "contractors" were let go and not replaced, Mme Versailles took this as her office, and I am told she did not have large meetings here. 20. In later times, the secretary would announce on the intercom that the power source would either switch or be turned off. 2I. By late 2005 the database manager moved into the office formerly occupied by Mme Versailles. 22. But still not Kreyôl, only recognized by Google after the earthquake and still not Microsoft as a language, despite these companies recognizing other languages with fewer speakers. 23. Both tech workers could turn a box full of spare parts into a functional computer, for example. 24. I'm six feet two inches tall; three male staff were the same height, unusually tall in Haiti, suggesting adequate food and health care. 25. This soccer match was an early attempt by Brazil for good PR, as it had just taken the reins of the UN forces from the United States. 26. Pantè is thel brand name of USAID-funded U.S. NGO Population Services International, translated in Haiti as Program Santé International "International Health Program," using the same acronym of PSI. 27. At a December 2005 tour of the Caravan that I attended, this act of throwing boxes of condoms in the air was repeated. 28. Strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and threats-a management analysis tool in vogue in the United States in the 198os. It was written in the English "SWOT. 29. By the end of 2006, an additional five people were let go from Sove Lavi. 30. She replaced a man in this post. NGO Population Services International, translated in Haiti as Program Santé International "International Health Program," using the same acronym of PSI. 27. At a December 2005 tour of the Caravan that I attended, this act of throwing boxes of condoms in the air was repeated. 28. Strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and threats-a management analysis tool in vogue in the United States in the 198os. It was written in the English "SWOT. 29. By the end of 2006, an additional five people were let go from Sove Lavi. 30. She replaced a man in this post. --- Page 220 --- NOTES TO PAGES 110-134 CHAPTER 4 "WE ARE PRISONERSI" I. Others (e.g., Pierre-Louis 201I) estimate that NGO salaries are three times government salaries. 2. Some consider his "second" term as happening after his return in 1994. 3. KONAP and State University students, particularly the Federation of Haitian University Students, both claim to be the first to call for Aristide's resignation. 4. The planners of the event had actually preferred the prime minister, who had real power, but they had accepted the president. He never actually committed to come, however. 5. These community liaisons were all male. 6. This practice follows USAID's (2005a) protocol on branding. 7. Predictably, fewer than thirty people attended the grand opening, despite the projected three hundred. 8. Gabrielle hadn't finished writing her report until she had visited the office in January, when we met for the interview. 9. The three means of prevention are USAID and PEPFAR's "ABC" formula of abstinence, being faithful, or condom use. IO. This derision was possibly an expression of nationalism, often coming from the elite classes when reminded of Haiti's subjugation by foreign countries. II. I translated this speaker's English into French, which was slightly better pronounced than my compatriot who worked at the CDC. 12. By this time Iwas considered one of the Sove Lavi staff, and SO was served with the group. 13. They did not meet again before I left Haiti at the end of May 2005. 14. The number of master's degrees at Sove Lavi is particularly significant given that only I percent of Haiti's population has any college degree (Earth Trends 2006). 15. As an example of such cultivation of personal relationships, Mme. Versailles asked me to translate a personal e-mail written in English from a U.S government official. 16. There was a rather lengthy discussion about the concerns that individual staff raised in the first appendix to this contractor report-many of which did not end up in the conclusion. 17. See, for example, studies from Chambers (1992), Edwards and Hulme (1992), Morton (1997), Paul and Israel (1991), Thomas-Slayter (1992), Uvin (1996), and Wils (1996). 18. These are not grants, itself a significant difference. Contracts are more legally binding than grants. 19. This lack of funds also explained why the bathrooms never had toilet paper. 20. For example, politik devlopman USAID Iyo] can read as "USAID's development policies" or "politics of USAID development, " and politik neyoliberal Iyol can mean "neoliberal policies" or "politics of neoliberalism." 21. There are other uses/interpretations of grès kochon kwit kochon that are sometimes used, such as that a person provides the means to destroy her- or himself (e.g., through bad attitude or behavior). The interpretation used in the book is the more commonly held one, at least according to Haitian scholars and peasants Iinterviewed. 22. Colleagues have referred me to two other NGOS that they define as autonomous because of their own income generation: Matènwa sells crafts, and Fonkoze raises money through interest on micro-credit. ism." 21. There are other uses/interpretations of grès kochon kwit kochon that are sometimes used, such as that a person provides the means to destroy her- or himself (e.g., through bad attitude or behavior). The interpretation used in the book is the more commonly held one, at least according to Haitian scholars and peasants Iinterviewed. 22. Colleagues have referred me to two other NGOS that they define as autonomous because of their own income generation: Matènwa sells crafts, and Fonkoze raises money through interest on micro-credit. --- Page 221 --- NOTES TO PAGES 140-155 CHAPTER 5 TECTONIC SHIFTS AND THE POLITICAL TSUNAMI I. Rostow's theory holds that all societies progress on a single evolutionary trajectory, with "the West" being most advanced, a continuation of earlier unilineal evolutionary thinking of the Victorian era. 2. "Social scientist" is the term for everyone who is not an economist, since the latter are by far the majority of USAID staff. 3. At least in public schools, for those who have access to public schools. 4. More people (57 percent compared to 39 percent) believed that aid should be directed toward multilateral rather than bilateral institutions (Program on International Policy Attitudes 2001:28). Disaster scholars have noted a rise in the "bilateralization" of foreign aid (Macrae and Leader 2001). 5. "USAID History, ," retrieved October IO, 2007, from http/www.usaid.godl. 6. This situation may be changing since the Tea Party movement and the widespread critique of "Obamacare." 7. "USAID: Congressional Budget Justification FY 2006," retrieved October IO, 2007, from hitp/hwwwcussid.gov. 8. LexisNexis search, retrieved September 24, 2007, from http/hwwwlexis.com/. 9. These messages about drugs and alcohol were mirrored by public service announcements, also funded by PEPFAR, aired on the radio in the summer of 2006. IO. Before being named USAID administrator, Andrew Natsios was director of World Vision International. II. Data for schools were not broken down by religious affiliation. 12. Current estimates of Haiti's religious population put the proportion of Protestants at 25 percent, which is more than twice what it was a generation ago (Interim Government of Haiti 2004). 13. This individual also said, "We represent constituents that other donors can't or won't, like men who have sex with men, sex workers, and drug users. They are also a part of civil society." 14. As governor of Wisconsin, Thompson was known for his work toward ending "welfare" (particularly Aid to Families with Dependent Children, AFDC). 15. "Supplementals" include multibillion-dollar no-bid contracts given to for-profit companies such as Bechtel or Halliburton. 16. For an example of development agencies' self-assessment, see Dollar's (1998) study. 17. And the "graduation" of these countries had comparatively little to do with official development aid, said this person. 18. The World Bank is divided into the IDA (International Development Association) for low-income countries, and the IBRD (International Bank for Reconstruction and Development) for middle-income countries. Recall that the institution was first set up to rebuild western Europe after World War II. 19. This index is measured by asking business leaders if they perceive the state to be corrupt. 20. These self-critiques themselves responded to outside pressure, calling for the closure of institutions such as the World Bank. 2I. The political scientist Robert Rotberg (2004) adds another definitional layer between "stable" and "failed" states, what he calls "hollowed-out" states, which are propped up only by a dictator, such as Iraq under Saddam Hussein. Development) for middle-income countries. Recall that the institution was first set up to rebuild western Europe after World War II. 19. This index is measured by asking business leaders if they perceive the state to be corrupt. 20. These self-critiques themselves responded to outside pressure, calling for the closure of institutions such as the World Bank. 2I. The political scientist Robert Rotberg (2004) adds another definitional layer between "stable" and "failed" states, what he calls "hollowed-out" states, which are propped up only by a dictator, such as Iraq under Saddam Hussein. --- Page 222 --- NOTES TO PAGES 156-181 allocated a lower level, the leap in the request nonetheless highlights 22. While Congress OTI's centrality to USAID. applications, which to help Haitian refugees with more asylum 23- Clinton also promised he did not do as president. that Clinton had early connecof Haiti's former ambassadors to the UN argued 24. One a think tank for progressive U.S. foreign tions with the Washington Office on Haiti, Kennedy staffers. A seniorelection officials who were policy toward Haiti, through "It would have been surprising if Clinton did level State Department staff person said, because the Democratic Party symbolized not make efforts to bring back Aristide human rights and a principled foreign policy." activities in the region, in many coups and other extralegal 25. Noriega was involved with the CIA and the Contras in Nicaragua. including playing a role nexus have been driven books critical of the Clinton-Aristide 26. Several ideologically 2003). published (e.g., Girard 2004; Rotberg Haiti were suspended in 1997 World Bank (2002a:3), new loans to 27. According to the because of the lack of a functioning government. instead a return to Yvette is not one of Aristide's supporters, proposing 28. Interestingly, that Aristide dismantled. the Haitian Army former army and even police. How did all In addition to the bandits I would add the 29. themselves given the international arms embargo? these groups arm collecting customs duties as an of foreign governments 30. There was also exploration shut down provincial ports, ships left their ports, after the interim government triggering a strike of dock workers. of Haiti's governfollowing the 1994 return of Aristide, 90 percent 31. During the years externally (Morton 1997:1). mental budget was financed and it still offers courses. current institution is one of them, 32. Incidentally, my speakers, but the measure was whether I myself have been "tested" by native Kreyôl as I failed the test, 33. another Kreyôl proverb. As often not, I was familiar with one or who "soti pèp la" (came from chided in front of NGO aid recipients by a journalist once Haiti's impoverished majority). employee, for example. made twenty times more than the lowest-paid 34. Mme Versailles NGOS received only 50 percent of their 35. At the highest end, however, these European than the vast majority of U.S.-based NGOS. annual budget from government, far less CONCLUSION 2011) released in May 201I warned that 64 I. An unpublished USAID report (Schwartz "red" for demolition were reoccupied. percent of houses tagged the state hospital and include Partners in Health/Zanmi Lasante rebuilding water 2. Successes and Médecins Sans Frontières providing building a new teaching hospital, treatment tools to IDPs and low-income neighborhoods. by the Deleuze and Guattari's (1987) work, was elaborated 3. This term, arising from Collier (2005) to describe the temporary, anthropologists Aihwa Ong and Stephen nature of groupings, in this case social groupings. *rhizomatic" what was to become hegemonic Marxian interpretations 4. Marx himself moved beyond ([1852] 1978) and the "Grundrisse" (1857] 1978). of power, in the Eighteenth Brumaire" to IDPs and low-income neighborhoods. by the Deleuze and Guattari's (1987) work, was elaborated 3. This term, arising from Collier (2005) to describe the temporary, anthropologists Aihwa Ong and Stephen nature of groupings, in this case social groupings. *rhizomatic" what was to become hegemonic Marxian interpretations 4. Marx himself moved beyond ([1852] 1978) and the "Grundrisse" (1857] 1978). of power, in the Eighteenth Brumaire" --- Page 223 --- NOTES TO PAGES 190-192 AFTERWORD I. The website put together by Clinton's office can be found at http://www.csohaiti.org/. 2. Rich nations pledged 0.7 percent at the 1992 Rio Conference, including the United States. 3. "ODA by Donor," retrieved May 20, 2008, from http:/stats.oecd.org/. 4. Oxfam America (2008:12) has made a similar reorganization recommendation. 5. Sixty-three percent, as opposed to 34 percent (Program on International Policy Attitudes 2001). AGES 190-192 AFTERWORD I. The website put together by Clinton's office can be found at http://www.csohaiti.org/. 2. Rich nations pledged 0.7 percent at the 1992 Rio Conference, including the United States. 3. "ODA by Donor," retrieved May 20, 2008, from http:/stats.oecd.org/. 4. Oxfam America (2008:12) has made a similar reorganization recommendation. 5. Sixty-three percent, as opposed to 34 percent (Program on International Policy Attitudes 2001). --- Page 224 --- --- Page 225 --- GLOSSARY andeyo. "Outside, " usually meaning living outside the capital city, but it can refer to being a marginalized outsider. See Smith (2001) bidonvil. Shantytown blan. Haitian term for "foreigner, also referring to the racial category of white people blokis. Traffic jam brase lide. Expression for a conversation to discuss ideas and problems, literally "stirring ideas" chan pwen. "Pointing" songs, composed to make a point, often social commentary dechoukaj. "Uprooting, referring to the volatile period in Haiti's history after the fall of Duvalier on February 7, 1986, and leading up to the first free election on December 16, 1990 dèlko. Gas-powered generator èd. Foreign aid goud. Haitian currency. Traditionally, the rate was five goud to the dollar, but the currency has floated since Haiti's liberalization in the 1980s. During the study, the value varied from thirty-five to forty-five goud to a dollar, usually around forty goudougoudou. Earthquake, mimicking the sound of the earth shaking. The term is used instead of the official tranblemannté a because people are afraid to speak its name gran manjè. Fat cat, literally "big eater" gran moun têt li. Sovereign, autonomous, able to make one's own decisions grès kochon kwit kochon. Haitian proverb. Literally "the pig cooks in its own fat.' > Used to describe financial autonomy --- Page 226 --- GLOSSARY griyo. Storyteller, from African ancestral traditions gwoupman katye. Neighborhood association istwa. "History," as in national or life history, as well as "story" Kanaval. Carnival katye popilè. "Popular" or poor neighborhood klas. "Class, 5) in the Marxist sense kouch. "Social layer, indigenous or Weberian "subjective" distinction between Marxist classes lakou. A traditional rural family space, including common outdoor living space Lavalas. Political party of Jean-Bertrand Aristide, also Fanmi Lavalas, translated as "landslide" or "cleansing flood" lavi chè a. High cost of living lekol bôlèt. Literally "lottery school," of low or uncertain quality, usually a private enterprise, often run by the only literate person in the locality medanm. "Women," referring to Fanm Tèt Ansanm's recipients pèp la. "The people, "meaning Haiti's marginalized poor majority politik. Same Kreyol word for "politics" or "policies, used in this book to refer to the politics/policies of donors and NGOS poto mitan. "Center posts, 5 an expression-coming from traditional African ancestor worship-referring to women's central role in Haitian family, society, and economy radyo trannde. "Radio of thirty-two (teeth], " rumor mill responsab. Responsible party, person in charge sol. Organically organized solidarity lending, whereby a group of friends or coworkers regularly pool their resources; a zero-interest loan tap-tap. Privately owned and operated "public" transport, often brightly colored converted pickup trucks or vans, organized into officially designated routes and fares têt ansanm. Literally "heads together, a brainstorming collaborative conversation or meeting, generating common solutions to problems timachann. Street merchant, mostly women engaged in micro-commerce radyo trannde. "Radio of thirty-two (teeth], " rumor mill responsab. Responsible party, person in charge sol. Organically organized solidarity lending, whereby a group of friends or coworkers regularly pool their resources; a zero-interest loan tap-tap. Privately owned and operated "public" transport, often brightly colored converted pickup trucks or vans, organized into officially designated routes and fares têt ansanm. Literally "heads together, a brainstorming collaborative conversation or meeting, generating common solutions to problems timachann. Street merchant, mostly women engaged in micro-commerce --- Page 227 --- GLOSSARY ti pèsonnèl. "Small" personnel, cooks, janitors, logistical assistants tonton makout. Duvalier's death squads, literally "Uncle Knapsack, referring to folktales wherein children were stolen at night twipe. A gesture of sucking in the teeth, considered impolite but nonetheless a mainstay in social interactions --- Page 228 --- --- Page 229 --- REFERENCES Abramson, David M. 1999. "A Critical Look at NGOS and Civil Society as Means to an End in Uzbekistan. 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New York: Harper Perennial. --- Page 249 --- INDEX 1825 indemnity, 19-20 Clinton, Bill, 6, 19, 51, 134, 143-144, 148, 152, 2004 coup, 6, 22, 30, 40, 45, I12, 157, 158 154, 156, 157-158, 172, 173, 175, 183, 190 Cold War, II, 12, 20, 135, 143-148, 175 abstinence, 56, 70, IOI-IO2, II9, 137-139, communication, 51, 62-63, 73, 91, IOI, 150-152, 167 103-104, I06, 141, 164-165, 175-176, 183 accountability, 133-134, 149, 156, 164, 176, 183 Community Action Councils (CACS), AIDS: faith-based response, 43, 151; and gender, 49-51 43-44, 40-41, 46, 59, 61-62; local understandings consciousness-raising, 49 of, 42-44.56-58, 73, II2, II9, 129; prevenconstituency, 38, 142, 143, 146-148, 149, 164, tion, 42-44, 46-52, 73, 81, 85-86, I0O-I02, 180, 191-192 I17-121, 124, 139, 149-152, 169, 185; social coordination, 67, 109, 123, 153, 155-156, 160, causes of, 40-41, 50, 67, II9, 150-151 173, 174, 176, 190, 192 Aristide, Jean-Bertrand, 2, 4, 6, 17,22-5,30, Country Coordinating Mechanism (CCM), 39, 67,77, 109, III, 138, 144, 157-160, 168, 123, 152 175; forced removal of, I-4, 22-24, III, coup d'état, I-4, 14-18, 20-34, 156-163 157-160; U.S. 174, 176, 190, 192 Aristide, Jean-Bertrand, 2, 4, 6, 17,22-5,30, Country Coordinating Mechanism (CCM), 39, 67,77, 109, III, 138, 144, 157-160, 168, 123, 152 175; forced removal of, I-4, 22-24, III, coup d'état, I-4, 14-18, 20-34, 156-163 157-160; U.S. role in ouster, 2, 4, 6, 17,22, 23,159, 160 Danticat, Edwidge, 32 assemblages, 9, 178 debt, 21, 162 autonomy, 9, 12, 76, 99-106, 125, 127-130, dependency, 6, 23, 99-102, II9, 125, 135, 154, 133-135, 138, 153, 156, 167-170, 173, 177-179, 184; from donors, 127-130, 138, 153, 167; development, 6-9, 12, 18-20, 21-23, 28, 60, granmoun têt li, 127-128, 135, 168, 177; local 79, 80, 91, 94, 104, I09, I16, 12I-122, 127, definitions of, 133-135, 167; of staff, 132-170, 174, 176-181, 183, 187, 191-194; 99-IOI, I03-106 human, 45, 86; gender and, 40-41, 49-50, 141; and participation, 67-68, 71 Black feminism, 38-40 disaster capitalism, 30, 138, 159-163 "blame the victim,' 151 discipline, 56, 182, 184 blan [foreigner), IO, 18, II3, 162 divisions, between staff members, 74-106 boomerang effect, 148, I51 Duvalier, François, 18, 20-22, 49 bureaucracy, 88-90, 99-103, 141-143 Duvalier, Jean-Claude, 20-21, 22, 40, 42, Bush, George H. "blame the victim,' 151 discipline, 56, 182, 184 blan [foreigner), IO, 18, II3, 162 divisions, between staff members, 74-106 boomerang effect, 148, I51 Duvalier, François, 18, 20-22, 49 bureaucracy, 88-90, 99-103, 141-143 Duvalier, Jean-Claude, 20-21, 22, 40, 42, Bush, George H. W., 22, 157,158 49,157 Bush, George W., 4, 134, 139, 143, 149-151, 153, 155, 158, 193 earthquake, 4-6, 65,73, IIO, 151, 161, 171-174 Cadre de empowerment, II, 79, 91, I16, 130, 139, 180, Coopèration Intèrimaire (CCI), 160-163 Etienne, Sauveur Pierre, 9, 22, 109, IIO Carnival, see Kanaval export-processing zone, 36-38, 45-49, Caravan (Sove Lavi), 56-58, II4-117, 150, 168, 76-78, 155, 157 64, Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), 22, 23, 159 family, ideology of, 75-6, 92 cholera, 172-176 family planning, 45, 47, 85-6, 128-30, civic infrastructure, 9, 45, I08, 135, 138, 170, 146-7 142, 177-179 Farmer, Paul, xi-xili, 6, IO, II, 19, 21, 23, 27, civil society, 12, 23, 24, 52, 148, 155, 161 28, 40, 41, I19, 151, 155, 159,191 class, 4, IO, 17,18, 19, 21, 28, 38-40, 41, 49,54, feminism, 17, 34, 38-39, 49, 92, III, 129; 58, 75, 88-91, I04, 166-167, 179-182; class critiques 0f,17.38-39, III, 166; local distinctions, 54, 58 understandings of,34, 38-40, 130; classification, of NGOS, 40, 59, 18I prolessionalization, 38, 40,III. 41, 49,54, feminism, 17, 34, 38-39, 49, 92, III, 129; 58, 75, 88-91, I04, 166-167, 179-182; class critiques 0f,17.38-39, III, 166; local distinctions, 54, 58 understandings of,34, 38-40, 130; classification, of NGOS, 40, 59, 18I prolessionalization, 38, 40,III. See also clientelism, 59-60, 63, 92 Black feminism; third world feminism --- Page 250 --- INDEX feminization: of AIDS, 40-42, 59, 62, I12; of istwa [history or story], 16-18, 24, 28, 33, 34, poverty, 34,37 40, 45, 135, 137, 151, 182 Ferguson, James, 7, 177 food aid, 5, 6, 162, 172, 178 Kanaval, 42, 107, II3, II5, 125, "food chain, " 137, 164, 170, 183, 193 kleptocracy, 21 Foreign Assistance Act (1961), 141, 142 kouch [distinction between classes], 54, 58, foreign interests, 12, 24,25, 139, 140-141, 143-146, 149-151, 153, 156-157, 159, 166, 167, 177, 179, 192-193 Latortue, Gerard, 29, 30, IIO-I12, 161 Foucault, Michel, II, 12, 57, 182-184 lavi chè a [high cost of living), 30, 31 FRAPH (Front pour T'Advancement et le lekol bôlèt ["lottery school"], 35, 59, 162 Progrès Haîtien), 22, 23, 24,32, 158, 159 lobbying, 116, 125, 133, 148 Freire, Paolo, 49, 64, 67, 83 Lorde, Audre, 18 Louis-Juste, Jean Anile, see Lwijis, Janil Gender and Development (GAD) approach, Lwijis, Janil, 9, 22, 23.30 40, 49 37, management, xi, xii, 92, IO3, 108, I16, 120, gender: ideology, 33, 35, 51-52, 90, 148; 12, 122-126, 127, 104-105; inequality, II, 17, 32-40, 45, 49, 131-134, results-based, 67, I51, 179; interests, 40 135, 138, 149, 152-153, 167-168, 169, 175-176 Global Fund (to Combat AIDS, Tuberculosis, Marshall Plan, 139, 140, 146 and Malaria), 46, 50, 107, 108, I14, II6, I18, Marx, Karl, xi-xii, 54, 163, 181-182 I19, 123, 124, 126, 127, 130, 139, 147, 149, 151, Maternowska, M. Catherine, IO, 13, 37, 47, 152, 164, 169, 184, 189 I18, 175, globalization, 7, 12, 33, 45, 51, IIO, 137, 155, Mathurin, Ernst, xiii, 49, 59, 109, IIO, 158, 162, 163, 179, 18I I9I goudougoudou [earthquake), 171 MCC, see Millennium Challenge Corporation governmentality, 57, 182; neoliberal membership organization, 59, 181 governmentality. 164, 169, 184, 189 I18, 175, globalization, 7, 12, 33, 45, 51, IIO, 137, 155, Mathurin, Ernst, xiii, 49, 59, 109, IIO, 158, 162, 163, 179, 18I I9I goudougoudou [earthquake), 171 MCC, see Millennium Challenge Corporation governmentality, 57, 182; neoliberal membership organization, 59, 181 governmentality. 182 Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC), Governor's Island Accord (1993), 22, 158 XV, 139, 154-156 gran manjè [fat cat], 60-61, IIO MINUSTAH (Mission des Nations Unies pour grès kochon kwit kochon (proverb: "The pig la stabilisation en Haiti), XV, 25-26, 118, cooks in its own fat"], 133-135, 178 I19 Group of 184, 23-24,39, 159 National Endowment for Democracy (NED), habitus, 59,76, 190 XV, 6, 157 Haiti: government, 6, 9, 19, 23, 46, 59, I08, national interest, 24, 139, 141, 143, 144, 149, 109-114, 158, 159, 161, 173, 176, 178, 190, 191; 153, 156, 166, 167, 168, 178, 193. See also history, 18-24, 156-163 interests Harrison, Faye, II, 27-28,33 National Security Strategy (2002), 153-155 Helms Amendment (1996), 158 NED, see National Endowment for hierarchy, 59-62, 74-106, 137, 176, 179-180 Democracy humanitarian aid, 6,7, 8, 13, 139, 140, 145, neighborhood association, 64,72, 53, 169, 164, 181, 187, 19I 180, 185, 188-189 neoliberalism, 8, 21-22, 33-34, 45, 160, imperialism,7. 9,10, II-12, 38, 39, 137, 157, 162-163, 139, 144, 148, 160, 162-163, 170, 177, 179, 180-184 175, 179, 182, 194 instrumentalization, 174, 177 NGO class, 58, 72 Inter-American Development Bank (IDB), 22, 46,159 Occupy movement, 145, 193 interest groups, II, 23, 138, 142, 146-148, 156, Office of Transition Initiatives (OTI), 139, 153, 155-156 interests, 19, 21, 28, 70, 127, 130, 159-160, 164, 168, 185; common, 42, 70, 130, 166, 178. NGO class, 58, 72 Inter-American Development Bank (IDB), 22, 46,159 Occupy movement, 145, 193 interest groups, II, 23, 138, 142, 146-148, 156, Office of Transition Initiatives (OTI), 139, 153, 155-156 interests, 19, 21, 28, 70, 127, 130, 159-160, 164, 168, 185; common, 42, 70, 130, 166, 178. Paris Club Agreement, 22, 158 See also national interest participation, 9,1 II, 12, 22, 59, 64, 66-67,70, intermediaries, II-12, 19, 56, 163-166, 71, 73, IOO, 103, I06-107, 123, 127, 133-135, 179-180 138, 147, 149, 153, 161, 166, 169, 170, 174-178, internally displaced people (IDP), 172-173, 180-184, 187, 189, 191-193; different under176 standings of, 44-45, 58, 67,72, 89, 108, international financial institutions (IFIs), 21, 178; steps in a project, 67-70; women's, 23, 144, 155, 18I 36, 40 International Monetary Fund (IMF), 22, 23, partnership, xii, 123, 124, 127, 131, 132, 135, 151, 30, 161, 162, 18I 168, 169 intersectionality, 38-40, 41, 49 peasants' association, 52, 183, 188-190 "invasion of NGOS,' 9, 22, 172 pèp la (the people),3.4.1 16, 18, 27,38,39, 85 (IMF), 22, 23, partnership, xii, 123, 124, 127, 131, 132, 135, 151, 30, 161, 162, 18I 168, 169 intersectionality, 38-40, 41, 49 peasants' association, 52, 183, 188-190 "invasion of NGOS,' 9, 22, 172 pèp la (the people),3.4.1 16, 18, 27,38,39, 85 --- Page 251 --- INDEX policy, II, 12, 23, 92, 95, 96, II4, 123, 138, tied aid, 144 140-142, 144-152, 156, 158-165, 169, 175, trickle-down imperialism, II, 12, 176, 180-185, 183, 187, 192 187, 193 politik [politics or policies), 44, 128, 130, 131, tripartite analysis, 19, 176-177, 179-180 133-135, 138, 167 Trouillot, Michel-Rolph, 6, 7, 16, 19, 20, 163 poto mitan ["center posts"; metaphorically, women], II, 27, 33.37, 47, 54,193 Ulysse, Gina, xiv, 17, 118, 190 President' 's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief unions,xiii, IO, 24, 29, 34, 47, 65, 132, 193 (PEPFAR) (2003), 150-151 United Nations, xvi, 25, 28, 36, 49,77, 148, II6, private/public, xi, 9, 6, 21, 23.36, IIO, 123, 128, I18, 122, 163, 172 136, 139, I51, 152, 155 USAID, xiii, xiv, xvi, 6,7,9, II, 18, 35-37, 43, reflexive 50, 56, 62, 96-98, II3, II5, 118-123, 126, political economy, 118, 190 130-134, 149, 152-156, 164, 168, 169, 173, regime change, 22, 159 175, 181, 183, 189, 191-193; history, 20, 23, relationship: among NGOS, 9, 58, 59, 66, 89, 53, 67,70, 129, 140, 141; pillars, 163, 167; 132, 190; between NGOS and beneficiaries, policymaking, 24, 143-146, 151, 158-160, xi,57, 68, 69,71,72, 138, 141, 166, 175, 178, 187; structure, II4, 123, 127, 136-139, 184; between NGOs and donors, 6, IO, 12, 141-143, 146, 147, 148, 150, 156, 157, 158, 47, 50, 51,58, 67, 71, 73, I08, IIO, 113-135, 164-166, 183 138, 147, 153, 156, 159, 164, 166-170, 173, 176, U.S. 178, 187; structure, II4, 123, 127, 136-139, 184; between NGOs and donors, 6, IO, 12, 141-143, 146, 147, 148, 150, 156, 157, 158, 47, 50, 51,58, 67, 71, 73, I08, IIO, 113-135, 164-166, 183 138, 147, 153, 156, 159, 164, 166-170, 173, 176, U.S. Congress, 12, 19, 23, 142, 143, 145-151, 153, 178, 179, 183-185, 188; between NGOS and 155, 158, 164, 173, 175, 183, 187, 192 government, xii, 6, 23, 30, 89, 108-114,119, U.S. foreign policy, 138, 140, 141, 144, 145, 146, 127, 130, 132, 170, 173, 176, 178, 182, 190, I9I 156, 158, 164, 192 respect, 63, 69, I04, IO5, 109, III, II7, 135, 189 U.S. Occupation (1915-1934), 20, 25,39 restavèk [indentured live-in servants),3 U.S. State Department, xiv, xvi, 7, 140, results, 12, 67, 50, 51, 124, 131, 137, 139, 142, 158, 164, 191, 192; director of foreign 156, assis148, 159, 177, 180, 185, 187. See also tance, 156, 164 management: results-based Rice, Condoleezza, 149, 156 violence, 7, II, 22, 24, 26, 28, 30, 52, 55,59, rights to development, 193 62, 66, IOI, 160, 189; and gender, II, 16, ritual practice, 56, 62,77 32,33, 34, 40, 41, 79, 83, II2; root causes, 5, 27,31; social impacts, 25, 27,30, 31, 78, 89, semi-elites, 12, 179-180 91, IOI. , 26, 28, 30, 52, 55,59, rights to development, 193 62, 66, IOI, 160, 189; and gender, II, 16, ritual practice, 56, 62,77 32,33, 34, 40, 41, 79, 83, II2; root causes, 5, 27,31; social impacts, 25, 27,30, 31, 78, 89, semi-elites, 12, 179-180 91, IOI. See also structural violence Sharma, Aradhana, 7, 76, 168, 182 Smith, Jennie, xiv, 21-23, 52, 68, IO2 Wallerstein, Immanuel, 46, 179 social capital, 178-180 war on terror, 153, 155 social distance, IO, 63, 184 Women in Development (WID), 40, social exclusion, 58, 61, 62, 76, I9I women's movement in Haiti, 38-40, 49,52, III sociological imagination, 49 World AIDS Day, 56-58 sol [mutual aid lending), 53, 72, 169, 180, 185 World Bank, 20-23, 46, 67, I09, 144, 155, 157, spatial practice, 12, 77-88, 90, 93-99 159, 160, 161, 162, 165, 175, 18I, 183, 19I stakeholders, 9, 68, 133, 135, 146, 177, 178 world systems theory, 12, 17, IIO, 179, 18I structural adjustment, 22, 158, 162, 18I structural violence, II, 14, 27, 28, 38, 41; and youn ede lôt [people helping one another], AIDS, 40, 41; and gender, 31-34 52, 82 structure, versus agency, 12, 73, 137-140, 167-168, 177, 179-183, 190-193 Zinn, Howard, 180, 182 Tea Party, 8, 145, 164, 19I third world feminism, 39 --- Page 252 --- --- Page 253 --- ABOUT THE AUTHOR MARK SCHULLER is an assistant professor at York College, CUNY, and an affiliate of l'Université d'État d'Haiti. Besides publishing twenty scholarly articles and book chapters, Schuller writes for the Huffington Post. He codirected the documentary Poto Mitan: Haitian Women, Pillars of the Global Economy and coedited four books, including Tectonic Shifts: Impacts of Haiti's Earthquake. --- Page 254 ---